The Soviet Union was swaying. Deng Ziaoping was taking China along a path different from Mao’s. The Communist regimes of East Europe were falling like a house of cards. At that time I spent several weeks in these countries as a newsman to study the situation.
When I met my friend K. Gopalakrishnan, who was translating the complete works of Marx into Malayalam in Moscow, he was hoping to complete the work in a year’s time and return home. He could not hide his anxiety over Soviet interest in Marx would last until then. I assured him that even if the Soviets lost interest in Marx would have a market in Kerala.
Later, when I was in Thiruvananthapuram, M. K. Kumaran, former Communist MP, plied me with searching questions about developments in those countries. The doubts my answers raised in his mind found expression in the form of a question: “Have we squandered away my life chasing it?” I pointed out that it was not right to examine the validity of a decision taken a long time ago by giving retrospective effect to information that became available subsequently. If one was convinced of the rightness of the decision when it was taken, there was no need to repent over it.
I was invited to give a talk on the changes in East Europe at the C. K. Govindan Nair commemoration meeting that year. The Marxist ideologue P. Govindan was also a speaker at that function. He did not question my observations about East European events. He merely said to complete the picture one should take note of the fact that even as the East European regimes were collapsing Communist parties had won elections in Nepal and one or two other places.
The responses of Kumaran and Govinda Pillai show that the Left in Kerala followed the developments in East Europe closely and objectively. But in public debates the leaders of the Left did not display the sincerity and truthfulness that were reflected in their remarks. They sought to assure the people that all was hunky-dory by keeping them in the dark about the problems raised by the crisis in the international Communist movement.
Jyoti Basu’s statement that capitalism is today’s reality and that communism is a distant goal can be seen as marking the beginning of the process of putting an end to the hide-and-seek game the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has been playing for a long time. What Basu and Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya are now saying are things that could have been said 20 years back, perhaps even earlier than that. It was delayed so long probably because the cerebral activity is rather slow in the Left camp.
Those who see signs of a change in the party’s policy and influence of globalization in the West Bengal leaders’ argument that they have to rely on capitalism for the investment needed for economic development have poor memory. It was the same policy that prompted E.M.S. Namboodiripad to call on G. D. Birla and V. S. Achuthanandan to invite the Dubai Internet City authorities. The first happened long before globalization.
In explaining Basu’s statement, Prakash Karat indicated that his words had caused confusion in the media and in some Left leaders. The general secretary’s annotation, Achuthanandan’s warning to 'capitalist roaders' and the silence of other leaders all suggest that there is confusion in the party too. But there is no reason to believe that there are differences of opinion on policies and programmes. It appears the differences are over how much truthfulness to maintain with regard to the deviations from ideology that occur while working as part of the system of parliamentary democracy (may read also as bourgeois democracy or capitalist system).
Karat’s claim that in Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, the C.P.I. (M), working within the capitalist system, is endeavouring to ensure social justice by pursuing policies different from those of the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party stands apart from reality. In social development, West Bengal, which has been continuously under CPI (M) rule for more than 30 years, is leagues behind Kerala, which has not had that good fortune. In Kerala, the CPI (M) and the Congress have been alternating in power for a quarter-century. From experience, the people of the State know that the days when switch from the front led by one to the front led by the other meant a change in policies and programmes are over. Now a change of government does not result in much more than the capture of cooperative societies and transfer of some officials.
The limitation that so long as a party is engaged in parliamentary activities it can only undertake welfare measures that can be taken up within the capitalist framework needs to be recognized. If the CPI (M) has the courage to tell the truth it will have to acknowledge that at this stage it is functioning as a social democratic party. Since the ideologues have made it a dirty name it is not able to say so.
It is not necessary to attach much importance to the name. But it is necessary to ask the party, which is talking of its limitations, one question. Is it doing the most that it can do within these limitations? Hounding the people of Nandigram who refused to part with their land and collapse of the temple administration that was captured show that the CPI (M) governments’ agenda is different from what the general secretary says it is.
Based on column "Nerkkaazhcha" appearing in Kerala Kaumudi dated January 10, 2008
Thursday, January 10, 2008
Monday, January 7, 2008
Initial response to land policy draft is cool
REVENUE MINISTER KP Rajendran released last week a draft land policy to elicit comments from the public. The initial response has been muted, suggesting political parties are rather cool and the people probably cynical.
Kerala's political establishment, especially the Left stream, has claimed that the land reform completed more than three decades ago was the most progressive measure of its kind undertaken by any State in the country. Lately, however, that measure has come under severe criticism from different quarters.
Leftist critics have pointed out that the reform did not benefit the landless labourers, most of them Dalits and Adivasis. The landless are, in fact, now agitating for land with the active support of extreme leftwing elements. At the other end of the spectrum are people who complain that the reform measure stands in the way of acquisition of land needed for industries and other economic activities.
The Principal Secretary in the Industries Department recently circulated a note demanding scrapping of the law that sets ceilings on holdings. The new policy draft does not provide for scrapping of land ceilings. On the contrary, it pledges to protect land reform.
To check the activities of the land mafia, which has grabbed real estate in different parts of the State, it provides for checks on acquisition of land and fragmentation and sale of plantations.
While recognising the need to find land for industrial purposes, the draft policy stipulates that ownership of land made available to industrial units will vest in the government, and not transferred to them. This stipulation may not be acceptable to industrialists since they often pledge the property to raise funds.
The Revenue Minister said regional meets would be held at Thiruvananthapuram, Alappuzha and Kannur to elicit views on the draft. Representatives of various interests, including peasant movements, would be consulted. The question of fixing ceilings on urban holdings would also be taken up during the consultations.
He added that after completing the consultation process, the government would finalise the draft and place it before the State Assembly during the budget session.
The Congress, which heads the opposition United Democratic Front, offered no immediate comment. The Kerala Congress, the only UDF constituent to comment, said the draft contained nothing new.
The Kerala Congress generally champions the cause of landed interests, particularly those who have encroached upon forest land. Its cool response indicates that the ruling Left Democratic Front may not encounter much opposition from the UDF on this issue.
The earlier land reform resulted in the transfer of land from the landlord to the tenant.
By the time the tenant got land he had set his mind on taking his children out of agriculture by giving them an education that will qualify them for respectable jobs. Consequently, the reform, instead of boosting farm production, led to its decline.
This is best illustrated by the state of paddy cultivation. Today only about 250,000 hectares of land is under paddy. This is just about one-fourth of the area under paddy before the reform.
The draft policy does not address the problem of Dalits and Adivasis, who did not benefit from the earlier round of reform. The main weakness of the new reform effort is it has a very narrow focus.
The draft has been prepared without undertaking detailed studies. It is based on political considerations rather than the current needs of the society.
As the State with the highest population density (819 persons per square kilometre), Kerala faces acute land shortage. It is, therefore, necessary to carefully assess the requirements of different sections of the population and different sectors of the economy and apportion the available land in such a way as to yield optimum benefit.
The first requirement is a new land use policy, which will not merely earmark land for agriculture and industry but specify what kind of agricultural or industrial activity will be permitted and where. Efforts to save paddy cultivation will bear fruit only if they ensure that the activity can be carried on profitably.
The government is not right in assuming that plugging the loopholes in the earlier reform measure is all that is needed. Corrupt politicians and officials are the source of strength of the land mafia. Unless the Establishment can summon the courage to act decisively against these elements, the problem will continue to elude solution. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, January 7, 2008.
Kerala's political establishment, especially the Left stream, has claimed that the land reform completed more than three decades ago was the most progressive measure of its kind undertaken by any State in the country. Lately, however, that measure has come under severe criticism from different quarters.
Leftist critics have pointed out that the reform did not benefit the landless labourers, most of them Dalits and Adivasis. The landless are, in fact, now agitating for land with the active support of extreme leftwing elements. At the other end of the spectrum are people who complain that the reform measure stands in the way of acquisition of land needed for industries and other economic activities.
The Principal Secretary in the Industries Department recently circulated a note demanding scrapping of the law that sets ceilings on holdings. The new policy draft does not provide for scrapping of land ceilings. On the contrary, it pledges to protect land reform.
To check the activities of the land mafia, which has grabbed real estate in different parts of the State, it provides for checks on acquisition of land and fragmentation and sale of plantations.
While recognising the need to find land for industrial purposes, the draft policy stipulates that ownership of land made available to industrial units will vest in the government, and not transferred to them. This stipulation may not be acceptable to industrialists since they often pledge the property to raise funds.
The Revenue Minister said regional meets would be held at Thiruvananthapuram, Alappuzha and Kannur to elicit views on the draft. Representatives of various interests, including peasant movements, would be consulted. The question of fixing ceilings on urban holdings would also be taken up during the consultations.
He added that after completing the consultation process, the government would finalise the draft and place it before the State Assembly during the budget session.
The Congress, which heads the opposition United Democratic Front, offered no immediate comment. The Kerala Congress, the only UDF constituent to comment, said the draft contained nothing new.
The Kerala Congress generally champions the cause of landed interests, particularly those who have encroached upon forest land. Its cool response indicates that the ruling Left Democratic Front may not encounter much opposition from the UDF on this issue.
The earlier land reform resulted in the transfer of land from the landlord to the tenant.
By the time the tenant got land he had set his mind on taking his children out of agriculture by giving them an education that will qualify them for respectable jobs. Consequently, the reform, instead of boosting farm production, led to its decline.
This is best illustrated by the state of paddy cultivation. Today only about 250,000 hectares of land is under paddy. This is just about one-fourth of the area under paddy before the reform.
The draft policy does not address the problem of Dalits and Adivasis, who did not benefit from the earlier round of reform. The main weakness of the new reform effort is it has a very narrow focus.
The draft has been prepared without undertaking detailed studies. It is based on political considerations rather than the current needs of the society.
As the State with the highest population density (819 persons per square kilometre), Kerala faces acute land shortage. It is, therefore, necessary to carefully assess the requirements of different sections of the population and different sectors of the economy and apportion the available land in such a way as to yield optimum benefit.
The first requirement is a new land use policy, which will not merely earmark land for agriculture and industry but specify what kind of agricultural or industrial activity will be permitted and where. Efforts to save paddy cultivation will bear fruit only if they ensure that the activity can be carried on profitably.
The government is not right in assuming that plugging the loopholes in the earlier reform measure is all that is needed. Corrupt politicians and officials are the source of strength of the land mafia. Unless the Establishment can summon the courage to act decisively against these elements, the problem will continue to elude solution. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, January 7, 2008.
Sunday, January 6, 2008
Human Rights defenders jailed in Bahrain
Front Line, an international foundation for protection of human rights defenders, has drawn attention to the ploght of 11 human rights defenders who were arrested in Bahrain last month.
In a statement, titled Bahrain: Arrest of eleven human rights defenders, Front Line says it is deeply concerned "following the arrest of eleven human rights defenders and the alleged torture and ill-treatment of a number of those arrested".
The arrests took place in the days following demonstrations on 17 December 2007 in Manama and other regions of Bahrain, in which a protester, Ali Jessam Mekki, was killed. The demonstrations were organised by members of the National Committee of Martyrs and Victims of Torture to mark the 13th anniversary of the death of two young Shiite men killed by security forces while participating in a demonstration calling for the restoration of democracy.
From the 21st to the 28th December 2007, members of the Special Security Forces (SSF) arrested approximately 50 people.
At its website, Front Line outlines how you can help the cause of the jailed human rights defenders. ACT NOW
In a statement, titled Bahrain: Arrest of eleven human rights defenders, Front Line says it is deeply concerned "following the arrest of eleven human rights defenders and the alleged torture and ill-treatment of a number of those arrested".
The arrests took place in the days following demonstrations on 17 December 2007 in Manama and other regions of Bahrain, in which a protester, Ali Jessam Mekki, was killed. The demonstrations were organised by members of the National Committee of Martyrs and Victims of Torture to mark the 13th anniversary of the death of two young Shiite men killed by security forces while participating in a demonstration calling for the restoration of democracy.
From the 21st to the 28th December 2007, members of the Special Security Forces (SSF) arrested approximately 50 people.
At its website, Front Line outlines how you can help the cause of the jailed human rights defenders. ACT NOW
Congress party's soft Hindutva is destroying pluralism, says Kuldip Nayar
Up to a point, Sonia Gandhi stuck to her remark of maut ke saudagar and told the Election Commission of India that calling a spade a spade did not violate any code of election. But then she herself watered down her stand. Whoever advised her, did great harm to the party and its cause, says eminent journalist Kuldip Nayar in an article in the Asian Age.
Kuldip Nayar's article is at countercurrents.org.
Kuldip Nayar's article is at countercurrents.org.
Saturday, January 5, 2008
Invisibility of Race and Caste
The victory of Barack Obama in the Democratic caucus in one of the whitest states has been hailed as a sign that the United States is moving beyond the old rhetoric around race. But race may just be becoming invisible, now identified by symbols such as “illegal immigrant,” the cornerstone of the campaign of Iowa’s other winner, Republican Mike Huckabee, says Roberto Lovato in a report distributed by New American Media.
See "Iowa Results: Race Invisibility or Invisible Race?"
The parallel with the role of caste in elections in Kerala and elsewhere in India can hardly be ignored.
See "Iowa Results: Race Invisibility or Invisible Race?"
The parallel with the role of caste in elections in Kerala and elsewhere in India can hardly be ignored.
Friday, January 4, 2008
Will the party capture the government?
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Kerala has completed more than half the district conferences. For the first time in its history, the party drew up guidelines specifically for the conferences and elections in the State in view of the widespread sectarianism. Both factions have complained of violations of the guidelines. Considering the party’s number of branches and membership, it can be seen that the proceedings have been gone through fairly smoothly. It is now time to think of the next step.
The question that comes up immediately is: what will happen at the State conference, scheduled to be held at Kottayam in February? State Secretary Pinarayi Vijayan says sectarianism in the party has lessened and will be completely eliminated with the Kottayam meet. The Communist movement has developed a language of its own to meet its needs. It is that lingo that the Secretary regularly uses. When his words are translated into the language developed by our media, we get something like this: At Kottayam the Pinarayi faction will cut down the VS faction. In our conversational language, it can be rendered as follows: Pinarayi faction will win; VS faction will lose.
The State party is in Pinarayi Vijayan’s grip even now. So the Kottayam conference will not lead to a new situation. However, Pinarayi Vijayan will return from Kottayam with his hands considerably strengthened.
At Kottayam, the delegates will decide who must lead the party. That is the party’s internal matter. The party has a high place in the power structure in Kerala and it is leading the administration at present. This is what prompts others to take an interest in the power struggle in the party. The real question before us therefore is whether Pinarayi Vijayan will capture the government after he captures the party.
What must be the relationship between the organizational wing and parliamentary wing of the ruling party? This is an issue which every democratic society has confronted. Countries with a stable parliamentary system have answered the question more or less satisfactorily. Under the tradition evolved by them, the organizational wing has the right to lay down policies and programmes. The leadership of the parliamentary wing will have the freedom to carry on the administration on the basis of these policies and programmes without day-to-day interference. The precedents established by democratic countries allow the head of the government complete freedom to choose the members of the Cabinet. This is done so as to create conditions necessary for him to discharge the responsibilities the party has entrusted to him.
In India, the Communists are able to come to power in their strongholds through the democratic process. Yet the Communist parties hold fast to the theory that this is not true democracy. In the Communist concept of democracy, the party is above everything else. The party secretary is above the prime minister. A person’s status is determined not by his position in the government but by his position in the party. Pinarayi Vijayan had given up ministership and taken up State party secretaryship, upholding this principle. However, Kerala society considers ministership superior to party posts. That was why most members of the party’s State secretariat scrambled aboard the Cabinet.
It is well-known that the attempt made before the Assembly elections to deny V.S.Achuthanandan the chief ministership failed because of voices of protest from within the party and even more from outside it. The Politburo, which altered the decision not to field him as a candidate, did not create favourable conditions for him to function. What Achuthanandan has been experiencing what no Communist chief minister experienced previously. Ministers belonging to his own party have been defying him. He is forced to carry on with ministers who have proved themselves incompetent and become the butt of ridicule.
New leaders, like the new-rich, come with certain bad habits. There is no better place than Kerala to understand the bad ways of both these groups. The CPI (M), which has been in the parliamentary field for long, must recognize some facts. One of them is that it is not able to provide good ministers. The reasons lie in the party’s current practices. The sooner it corrects them the better – for the party itself.
The question that comes up immediately is: what will happen at the State conference, scheduled to be held at Kottayam in February? State Secretary Pinarayi Vijayan says sectarianism in the party has lessened and will be completely eliminated with the Kottayam meet. The Communist movement has developed a language of its own to meet its needs. It is that lingo that the Secretary regularly uses. When his words are translated into the language developed by our media, we get something like this: At Kottayam the Pinarayi faction will cut down the VS faction. In our conversational language, it can be rendered as follows: Pinarayi faction will win; VS faction will lose.
The State party is in Pinarayi Vijayan’s grip even now. So the Kottayam conference will not lead to a new situation. However, Pinarayi Vijayan will return from Kottayam with his hands considerably strengthened.
At Kottayam, the delegates will decide who must lead the party. That is the party’s internal matter. The party has a high place in the power structure in Kerala and it is leading the administration at present. This is what prompts others to take an interest in the power struggle in the party. The real question before us therefore is whether Pinarayi Vijayan will capture the government after he captures the party.
What must be the relationship between the organizational wing and parliamentary wing of the ruling party? This is an issue which every democratic society has confronted. Countries with a stable parliamentary system have answered the question more or less satisfactorily. Under the tradition evolved by them, the organizational wing has the right to lay down policies and programmes. The leadership of the parliamentary wing will have the freedom to carry on the administration on the basis of these policies and programmes without day-to-day interference. The precedents established by democratic countries allow the head of the government complete freedom to choose the members of the Cabinet. This is done so as to create conditions necessary for him to discharge the responsibilities the party has entrusted to him.
In India, the Communists are able to come to power in their strongholds through the democratic process. Yet the Communist parties hold fast to the theory that this is not true democracy. In the Communist concept of democracy, the party is above everything else. The party secretary is above the prime minister. A person’s status is determined not by his position in the government but by his position in the party. Pinarayi Vijayan had given up ministership and taken up State party secretaryship, upholding this principle. However, Kerala society considers ministership superior to party posts. That was why most members of the party’s State secretariat scrambled aboard the Cabinet.
It is well-known that the attempt made before the Assembly elections to deny V.S.Achuthanandan the chief ministership failed because of voices of protest from within the party and even more from outside it. The Politburo, which altered the decision not to field him as a candidate, did not create favourable conditions for him to function. What Achuthanandan has been experiencing what no Communist chief minister experienced previously. Ministers belonging to his own party have been defying him. He is forced to carry on with ministers who have proved themselves incompetent and become the butt of ridicule.
New leaders, like the new-rich, come with certain bad habits. There is no better place than Kerala to understand the bad ways of both these groups. The CPI (M), which has been in the parliamentary field for long, must recognize some facts. One of them is that it is not able to provide good ministers. The reasons lie in the party’s current practices. The sooner it corrects them the better – for the party itself.
Thursday, January 3, 2008
Orissa: Anti Christian Violence
By Ram Puniyani
02 January, 2008Countercurrents.org
Gladys Stains is a name etched in our memory for wrong reasons. Her husband and two sons were torched to death around a decade ago in Keonjhar Manoharpur Orissa. She wrote to Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh recently, to ensure that communal peace is restored in Orissa. This she did in the backdrop of the scattered attacks on Christians, over 40 churches torched in Orissa (24 Dec. 2007). In the violence which broke out, many of the people have been severely injured. Some of the priest and laity have run for shelter, leaving their homes and hiding in the forests in the biting cold. All this has happened in the Adivasi area in and around Phulbani and Kandhamal. The timing is around the Christmas celebrations, 2007.
It is no coincident that the BJP is part of the ruling coalition in Orissa, and those involved in the vandalism are part of some or the other organization directly affiliated with the RSS. The major such are Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Bajrang dal and their local variants. While the media reports are sketchy, the Citizens Inquiry team, which was to visit the area has been denied permission to visit the districts and was escorted out of the area. The attacks on minorities and weaker sections is launched for short term or long term political goals, but the care is taken that a pretext is manufactured and then the attacks are unleashed. In this case it has been said that Swami Lakkhanand was attacked by Christians and so the retaliation. One is supposed to believe that a Swami from the majority community, with sizeable following, will be attacked by the section of miniscule minority!
The Christmas season is the chosen time for anti Christian attacks. Earlier also such occasions have been chosen for beating and attacking the Christian community, notably in Dangs in 1998. This time in Phulbani area the declarations being made by the Swami and associates is that the presence of Christians will not be tolerated in the Adivasi areas. The visible attacks on Christian minorities started from 1996. The areas selected for these attacks have spread over from Gujarat, Dangs on the extreme West, to the Orissa on extreme east of the tribal belt. It is in these areas that anti Christian violence have been going on in scattered form since then. Most of these acts of violence have a bit different characteristic, i.e. unlike the anti Muslim violence which is more in the cities and occurs as spurts of killing hundred or thousands in a single go, here the cauldron is kept boiling continuously. The intensity is that of a slow but sustained intimidation and attack.
The most ghastly anti Christian violence was that done by Bajrang Dal activist, Dara Singh, who instigated the Adivasis and led the burning of Pastor Graham Stewart Stains. He and his organization kept propagating for months that pastor has come from Australia for converting the gullible Adivasis to Christianity, that his work amongst the leprosy patients is just a ploy to do his ?real work? of conversions. The Wadhwa commission, appointed by the NDA Govt. with Advani as the Home minister, in the aftermath of this brutal killing, concluded that the pastor was not involved in any conversion activities and that the percentage of Christian population in the area has remained static despite the Pastor working in the area.
At national level the attacks on Christians have been investigated by different civic groups, compiled in 'The Politics behind Anti Christian Violence' (Media House, Delhi) Most of the reports conclude that the attacks have been deliberately stepped up in the Adivasi areas. The main targets of these attacks are the Christian missionaries working in the area of education. The contrast is very glaring. The city based Christian mission institutions are upheld and respected for their contribution in the area of education, while in the Adivasi areas the same are being hounded out. The reports also observe that the RSS affiliates have been trying to do anti Christian propaganda along with Ghar Vapasi (re-conversion in to Hinduism) campaign. The major work of Ghar Vapasi has been undertaken in the BJP ruled states, or in the states where BJP has been sharing power.
The subtle assistance of the state machinery in the anti Christian tirade is always at the service of RSS affilaites. The Ghar Vapasi asserts that Adivasis are basically Hindus, who had to flee to the forests to escape the conversion by Muslim invaders, so they are 'nationally' Hindus, who have forgotten the Hindu rituals and gods and so have fallen low in the hierarchy of Hindu religion. This ritual of re-conversion is supposed to religiously restore them to their old Hindu glory!
The case of Orissa was specifically investigated by India Peoples Tribunal, led by Justice K.K.Usha (retired) of Kerala High court in 2006 (Communalism in Orissa) This tribunal forewarns about the shape of things to come. " The tribunal assessed the spread of communal organizations in Orissa, which has been accompanied by a series of small and large events and some riots?such violations are utilized to generate the threat and reality of greater violence, and build and infrastructure of fear and intimidation."
It further notes that minorities are being grossly ill treated; there is gross inaction of the state Govt to take action. Outlining the mechanism of the communalization, it points out, "The report also describes in considerable detail how the cadre of majoritarian communal organizations is indoctrinated in hatred and violence against other communities it holds to be inherently inferior. If such communalization is undertaken in Orissa, it is indicative of the future of the nation. The signs are truly ominous for India's democratic future." (p 70)
In these Adivasi areas swamis have made their permanent Ashrams, Lakkhanand, in Orissa, Assemanand in Dangs, and followers of Asaram bapu in Jhabua area to name a few. Also Hindu Samgams, congregations, are being held, the culmination of which was the Shabri Kumbh in Dangs where thousands of Adivasis were brought. In those areas the Hindutva organizations spread the intimidating rumors that those who do not attend these functions will be dealt with in due course.
Interestingly these are precisely the areas which are the poorest; these are the areas where the problem of land, education, water and food is the highest. Anti Christian violence is in the continuation of RSS agenda of Hindu Rasthra, Pehle kasai Phir Isai (First the Muslims then Christians). There is an additional factor in the anti Christian violence.
One concedes that there may be many a Christian groups who might be focusing on the conversion work, within the bounds of Indian constitution, of course. But one has to note that in India, overall population of Christian minorities is declining over a period of last four decades, (1971--2.60%, 1981--2.44% , 1991--2.34%, and 2001--2.30%).
While Christianity is a very old religion here, during last nineteen centuries or so only 2.odd percent have become Christians. The major problem is that the effort of missionaries to reach education to the adivasi areas. Educated Adivasi, empowered Adivasi will be more aware of her rights and that's precisely what RSS combine cannot stand. That the tiny minority can be a threat to the huge majority of Hindus is quiet a concoction. There is a need to deal these violations of human rights firmly, there is a need to curb the hate other propaganda in these areas and of course the need to promote modern education and other welfare schemes in these areas. Christmas which should be a festival of joy is being turned into an annual ritual of violence and mayhem by the RSS combine.
Ram Puniyani is a Professor in Biomedical Engineering at the Indian Institute of Technology, Powai. Apart from his teaching and research activities, he pursues a parallel track concerned with issues related to social problems, particularly the ones related to preservation of democratic and secular ethos in our life. More information at http://www.pluralindia.com/drPuniyani.htm
02 January, 2008Countercurrents.org
Gladys Stains is a name etched in our memory for wrong reasons. Her husband and two sons were torched to death around a decade ago in Keonjhar Manoharpur Orissa. She wrote to Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh recently, to ensure that communal peace is restored in Orissa. This she did in the backdrop of the scattered attacks on Christians, over 40 churches torched in Orissa (24 Dec. 2007). In the violence which broke out, many of the people have been severely injured. Some of the priest and laity have run for shelter, leaving their homes and hiding in the forests in the biting cold. All this has happened in the Adivasi area in and around Phulbani and Kandhamal. The timing is around the Christmas celebrations, 2007.
It is no coincident that the BJP is part of the ruling coalition in Orissa, and those involved in the vandalism are part of some or the other organization directly affiliated with the RSS. The major such are Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Bajrang dal and their local variants. While the media reports are sketchy, the Citizens Inquiry team, which was to visit the area has been denied permission to visit the districts and was escorted out of the area. The attacks on minorities and weaker sections is launched for short term or long term political goals, but the care is taken that a pretext is manufactured and then the attacks are unleashed. In this case it has been said that Swami Lakkhanand was attacked by Christians and so the retaliation. One is supposed to believe that a Swami from the majority community, with sizeable following, will be attacked by the section of miniscule minority!
The Christmas season is the chosen time for anti Christian attacks. Earlier also such occasions have been chosen for beating and attacking the Christian community, notably in Dangs in 1998. This time in Phulbani area the declarations being made by the Swami and associates is that the presence of Christians will not be tolerated in the Adivasi areas. The visible attacks on Christian minorities started from 1996. The areas selected for these attacks have spread over from Gujarat, Dangs on the extreme West, to the Orissa on extreme east of the tribal belt. It is in these areas that anti Christian violence have been going on in scattered form since then. Most of these acts of violence have a bit different characteristic, i.e. unlike the anti Muslim violence which is more in the cities and occurs as spurts of killing hundred or thousands in a single go, here the cauldron is kept boiling continuously. The intensity is that of a slow but sustained intimidation and attack.
The most ghastly anti Christian violence was that done by Bajrang Dal activist, Dara Singh, who instigated the Adivasis and led the burning of Pastor Graham Stewart Stains. He and his organization kept propagating for months that pastor has come from Australia for converting the gullible Adivasis to Christianity, that his work amongst the leprosy patients is just a ploy to do his ?real work? of conversions. The Wadhwa commission, appointed by the NDA Govt. with Advani as the Home minister, in the aftermath of this brutal killing, concluded that the pastor was not involved in any conversion activities and that the percentage of Christian population in the area has remained static despite the Pastor working in the area.
At national level the attacks on Christians have been investigated by different civic groups, compiled in 'The Politics behind Anti Christian Violence' (Media House, Delhi) Most of the reports conclude that the attacks have been deliberately stepped up in the Adivasi areas. The main targets of these attacks are the Christian missionaries working in the area of education. The contrast is very glaring. The city based Christian mission institutions are upheld and respected for their contribution in the area of education, while in the Adivasi areas the same are being hounded out. The reports also observe that the RSS affiliates have been trying to do anti Christian propaganda along with Ghar Vapasi (re-conversion in to Hinduism) campaign. The major work of Ghar Vapasi has been undertaken in the BJP ruled states, or in the states where BJP has been sharing power.
The subtle assistance of the state machinery in the anti Christian tirade is always at the service of RSS affilaites. The Ghar Vapasi asserts that Adivasis are basically Hindus, who had to flee to the forests to escape the conversion by Muslim invaders, so they are 'nationally' Hindus, who have forgotten the Hindu rituals and gods and so have fallen low in the hierarchy of Hindu religion. This ritual of re-conversion is supposed to religiously restore them to their old Hindu glory!
The case of Orissa was specifically investigated by India Peoples Tribunal, led by Justice K.K.Usha (retired) of Kerala High court in 2006 (Communalism in Orissa) This tribunal forewarns about the shape of things to come. " The tribunal assessed the spread of communal organizations in Orissa, which has been accompanied by a series of small and large events and some riots?such violations are utilized to generate the threat and reality of greater violence, and build and infrastructure of fear and intimidation."
It further notes that minorities are being grossly ill treated; there is gross inaction of the state Govt to take action. Outlining the mechanism of the communalization, it points out, "The report also describes in considerable detail how the cadre of majoritarian communal organizations is indoctrinated in hatred and violence against other communities it holds to be inherently inferior. If such communalization is undertaken in Orissa, it is indicative of the future of the nation. The signs are truly ominous for India's democratic future." (p 70)
In these Adivasi areas swamis have made their permanent Ashrams, Lakkhanand, in Orissa, Assemanand in Dangs, and followers of Asaram bapu in Jhabua area to name a few. Also Hindu Samgams, congregations, are being held, the culmination of which was the Shabri Kumbh in Dangs where thousands of Adivasis were brought. In those areas the Hindutva organizations spread the intimidating rumors that those who do not attend these functions will be dealt with in due course.
Interestingly these are precisely the areas which are the poorest; these are the areas where the problem of land, education, water and food is the highest. Anti Christian violence is in the continuation of RSS agenda of Hindu Rasthra, Pehle kasai Phir Isai (First the Muslims then Christians). There is an additional factor in the anti Christian violence.
One concedes that there may be many a Christian groups who might be focusing on the conversion work, within the bounds of Indian constitution, of course. But one has to note that in India, overall population of Christian minorities is declining over a period of last four decades, (1971--2.60%, 1981--2.44% , 1991--2.34%, and 2001--2.30%).
While Christianity is a very old religion here, during last nineteen centuries or so only 2.odd percent have become Christians. The major problem is that the effort of missionaries to reach education to the adivasi areas. Educated Adivasi, empowered Adivasi will be more aware of her rights and that's precisely what RSS combine cannot stand. That the tiny minority can be a threat to the huge majority of Hindus is quiet a concoction. There is a need to deal these violations of human rights firmly, there is a need to curb the hate other propaganda in these areas and of course the need to promote modern education and other welfare schemes in these areas. Christmas which should be a festival of joy is being turned into an annual ritual of violence and mayhem by the RSS combine.
Ram Puniyani is a Professor in Biomedical Engineering at the Indian Institute of Technology, Powai. Apart from his teaching and research activities, he pursues a parallel track concerned with issues related to social problems, particularly the ones related to preservation of democratic and secular ethos in our life. More information at http://www.pluralindia.com/drPuniyani.htm
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