WITH a state-appointed committee proposing certain changes in the Kerala Education Rules, the stage has been set for a confrontation between the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government and the powerful institutions that control the bulk of the private schools.
There are more than 13,200 schools in Kerala. A little over half of them are lower primary schools, with Classes I to IV. Upper primary (Classes V to VII), secondary (Classes VIII to X) and higher secondary (Classes XI and XII) schools account for 22 per cent, 19 per cent and 7 per cent respectively.
The private sector dominates throughout. But its dominance is most pronounced at the lower levels. At the primary level, 64 per cent of the schools are privately owned and only 36 per cent are under the government.
At the secondary level, the private sector's share is 62 per cent and the government's 38 per cent. A majority of the private schools are under the control of powerful religious and caste organizations.
For more than a century Christian missions have been active in the educational field, and they constitute the largest single element. Muslims, who entered the field comparatively late, come next.
As religious minorities, both Christians and Muslims have a constitutional right to administer educational institutions of their own. On several occasions, courts have struck down governmental efforts to regulate the affairs of schools and colleges run by them/ From the time the LDF took office in 2006, there were reports that the government proposed to take steps to rein in private managements.
Even as the committee, appointed by it under the chairmanship of CP Nair, a retired Chief Secretary to the Government, was proceeding with its work, there was intense speculation on its recommendations. Some steps, which were reportedly under consideration, like a change in the school hours, are not in the report.
Apparently the committee dropped the proposal for a change in school timings in view of the strong opposition voiced by Muslim organizations, which feared it would interfere with the working of the community's madrasas.
The Christian churches have come down heavily against two proposals of the committee. One envisages the creation of a school service commission, on the lines of the Public Service Commission (PSC), to draw up list of persons eligible for appointment as teachers. The other seeks to extend the system of reservation to cover the posts of teachers.
The Inter-Church Council for Education (ICCE), an umbrella organisation of Christian school managements, has accused the government of attempting to "politicise and appropriate" the education sector. It rejects the official claim that the changes are meant to improve the standards of education. The PSC selects teachers for government schools.
The committee had before it a proposal that since the government pays the salaries of private school teachers the PSC must be entrusted with their selection too.
It mooted the idea of a separate agency with a view to mollifying the private managements who are against giving the PSC any role in the selection process.
It is widely believed that many private managements, including the Christian missions, appoint teachers after collecting money from the candidates. Public opinion, therefore, favours placing some restrictions on them.
According to the ICCE, there is no need to interfere with the managements' right to appoint teachers since they are already under an obligation to pick only those who possess such qualifications as are prescribed by the government. It points out that even if the managements are required to choose candidates from a list prepared by an external agency, there will be room for corruption.
The stage for confrontation having been set, the million dollars question is whether the government will actually go in for a showdown or merely use the committee's recommendations as bargaining chips.
The Communist Party of India-Marxist, which heads the ruling coalition, had used its last State conference, held in the Muslim stronghold of Malappuram three years ago, as an opportunity to improve its support base among that religious group.
Ways to widen the party's base among the Christians is uppermost in the minds of its leadership as it holds its conference in their bastion of Kottayam this week. It is well aware that any confrontation with the minorities will upset its calculations.
Besides, if there is a showdown, the Christian managements can count on the support of the Nair Service Society, a powerful Hindu organisation, besides the Congress and the other constituents of the opposition United Democratic Front. –Gulf Today, Sharjah, February 11, 2008
Showing posts with label CHURCH. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CHURCH. Show all posts
Monday, February 11, 2008
Friday, December 7, 2007
..so we do not go back to the lunatic asylum
It was only natural that the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) saw the coming together of ten Christian Churches and the Nair Service Society to oppose education reforms as a prelude to a new ‘liberation struggle’. After all they were the prime movers behind the agitation against the Communist government’s proposals for educational reform 50 years ago.
Many movements in Kerala and their leaders are prisoners of the past. Each one has chosen a period from the past, built a prison there and remains happily in it. They need to be reminded once in a while that times have changed. This must be done without unnecessary provocation.
While the CPI (M) State Secretary tried to dissuade the Church leaders by reminding them of the changed circumstances, the Education Minister sought to save himself by stating that there were no proposals before government for educational reform.
What irked the Churches and the NSS were moves to transfer control of educational institutions from the State to the local bodies and to entrust the State Public Service Commission with the responsibility of appointing school teachers. It is no secret that the Left Democratic Front government is interested in both the ideas. Members of a committee set up by the government have indicated that it will make recommendations in this regard. So the plea that there is no proposal for reform before the government is merely a technical argument.
The Devaswom and Cooperation Minister and the Education Minister are two members of the government who have been making heroic statements periodically. For one and a half years the Devaswom Minister strove tirelessly to cleanse the temple administration. Eventually the High Court appointed someone else to look into temple matters. The Education Minister worked hard to rein in the self-financing colleges. Result: managements who were ready to settle for 75% of the seats got 100%! It was perhaps this experience that prompted him to surrender to the school managements even before the first shot was fired.
Those who favour change argue that since the government pays the salaries of private school teachers the power to make appointments must also vest in it. The government started paying salaries directly to teachers following widespread complaints that school managements who received grants from the state were not paying teachers’ salaries promptly. Recently a Church dignitary said that since the government was paying teachers’ salaries out of the tax revenue they were only getting what they were entitled to. The managements who did not pay salaries promptly after accepting the money from the state were guilty of misappropriation, which is a penal offence. But the state did not initiate legal action against them. The authorities must have the courage to bring the guilty to book.
The Churches made a big contribution to Kerala’s progress in education. But service was not their sole motive. In the early years, they were also interested in conversions. Neither service nor conversion is relevant today. Those who come forward to start educational institutions now are guided by profit motive. The Churches in Kerala enjoy favourable circumstances in comparison with the others. They have the benefit of the good reputation earned by Christian institutions by rendering good service over a long period. They also have the physical resources needed to set up new institutions. In some places, these include land generously made available by the state.
As a religious minority, the Christians are entitled to certain rights under the Constitution. Their demand that these should be protected is quite legitimate. However, the Churches are not a minority in the State’s education sector. On the contrary, they constitute the majority. According to official documents, 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools are under private managements. In the field of higher education, too, private managements are dominant. As many as 150 out of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges are under private managements. The situation is no different in the fields of medical and nursing education. Official documents do not indicate who owns how many private institutions. However, it will not be wrong to assume that a majority of them are under the control of the different Churches. The government has a duty to gather precise data before embarking upon educational reform.
As institutions that represent large sections of the population, the Churches have the responsibility to present their case without being provocative. Some recent public statements of Church leaders lacked the restraint expected of them. One of them was reported as saying teachers appointed by the government will not be allowed to teach in their schools. Such statements should be avoided. If the appointments are legally valid, the Churches have to accept them. Having conducted successful litigation against the state, the Church authorities know that it is for the courts to say whether the appointments are valid. One proposal mooted with regard to appointment of teachers is that the Public Service Commission or some other independent agency must prepare a list of persons eligible for appointment and the managements must be free to make appointments from that list. The Churches must respond constructively to such proposals which do not take away their rights with regard to appointment.
A Church dignitary recently asked all Christians to send their children only to Christian schools. An explanation followed that the suggestion was aimed at ensuring that the new generation imbibed Christian values, and was unconnected with the issue of educational reform. What will happen if all caste and religious groups think along these lines? The Churches, which made possible the social renewal that rescued Kerala from darkness by establishing modern educational facilities, should not become instrumental for a return to the lunatic asylum.
Based on “Nerkkazhcha” column, which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi on December 6, 2007
Many movements in Kerala and their leaders are prisoners of the past. Each one has chosen a period from the past, built a prison there and remains happily in it. They need to be reminded once in a while that times have changed. This must be done without unnecessary provocation.
While the CPI (M) State Secretary tried to dissuade the Church leaders by reminding them of the changed circumstances, the Education Minister sought to save himself by stating that there were no proposals before government for educational reform.
What irked the Churches and the NSS were moves to transfer control of educational institutions from the State to the local bodies and to entrust the State Public Service Commission with the responsibility of appointing school teachers. It is no secret that the Left Democratic Front government is interested in both the ideas. Members of a committee set up by the government have indicated that it will make recommendations in this regard. So the plea that there is no proposal for reform before the government is merely a technical argument.
The Devaswom and Cooperation Minister and the Education Minister are two members of the government who have been making heroic statements periodically. For one and a half years the Devaswom Minister strove tirelessly to cleanse the temple administration. Eventually the High Court appointed someone else to look into temple matters. The Education Minister worked hard to rein in the self-financing colleges. Result: managements who were ready to settle for 75% of the seats got 100%! It was perhaps this experience that prompted him to surrender to the school managements even before the first shot was fired.
Those who favour change argue that since the government pays the salaries of private school teachers the power to make appointments must also vest in it. The government started paying salaries directly to teachers following widespread complaints that school managements who received grants from the state were not paying teachers’ salaries promptly. Recently a Church dignitary said that since the government was paying teachers’ salaries out of the tax revenue they were only getting what they were entitled to. The managements who did not pay salaries promptly after accepting the money from the state were guilty of misappropriation, which is a penal offence. But the state did not initiate legal action against them. The authorities must have the courage to bring the guilty to book.
The Churches made a big contribution to Kerala’s progress in education. But service was not their sole motive. In the early years, they were also interested in conversions. Neither service nor conversion is relevant today. Those who come forward to start educational institutions now are guided by profit motive. The Churches in Kerala enjoy favourable circumstances in comparison with the others. They have the benefit of the good reputation earned by Christian institutions by rendering good service over a long period. They also have the physical resources needed to set up new institutions. In some places, these include land generously made available by the state.
As a religious minority, the Christians are entitled to certain rights under the Constitution. Their demand that these should be protected is quite legitimate. However, the Churches are not a minority in the State’s education sector. On the contrary, they constitute the majority. According to official documents, 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools are under private managements. In the field of higher education, too, private managements are dominant. As many as 150 out of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges are under private managements. The situation is no different in the fields of medical and nursing education. Official documents do not indicate who owns how many private institutions. However, it will not be wrong to assume that a majority of them are under the control of the different Churches. The government has a duty to gather precise data before embarking upon educational reform.
As institutions that represent large sections of the population, the Churches have the responsibility to present their case without being provocative. Some recent public statements of Church leaders lacked the restraint expected of them. One of them was reported as saying teachers appointed by the government will not be allowed to teach in their schools. Such statements should be avoided. If the appointments are legally valid, the Churches have to accept them. Having conducted successful litigation against the state, the Church authorities know that it is for the courts to say whether the appointments are valid. One proposal mooted with regard to appointment of teachers is that the Public Service Commission or some other independent agency must prepare a list of persons eligible for appointment and the managements must be free to make appointments from that list. The Churches must respond constructively to such proposals which do not take away their rights with regard to appointment.
A Church dignitary recently asked all Christians to send their children only to Christian schools. An explanation followed that the suggestion was aimed at ensuring that the new generation imbibed Christian values, and was unconnected with the issue of educational reform. What will happen if all caste and religious groups think along these lines? The Churches, which made possible the social renewal that rescued Kerala from darkness by establishing modern educational facilities, should not become instrumental for a return to the lunatic asylum.
Based on “Nerkkazhcha” column, which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi on December 6, 2007
Monday, November 26, 2007
War clouds gathering over education sector
Ten Christian denominations and the Nair Service Society of the Hindu Nair community came together last week to resist the Left Democratic Front government's plans for reform in Kerala's education sector.
Church leaders visited the NSS headquarters at Perunna, Changanassery, on Thursday, reportedly at the instance of Joseph M.Puthussery, a Kerala Congress (Mani) legislator.
A constituent of the opposition United Democratic Front, the KC (M) draws its support mainly from the powerful Syrian Christian community.
The Perunna meeting formed an action committee with Syro Malabar Archbishop Mar Joseph Perunthottam and NSS general secretary PK Narayana Panicker as chairmen and Church of South India bishop Thomas Samuel and NSS joint secretary G Sukumaran Nair as general secretaries.
The Churches and the NSS were together in the 'liberation struggle' that led to the Centre's dismissal of the first Communist government in 1959. The main provocation for that struggle, too, was an attempt at educational reform.
Christian missions were pioneers of modern education in Kerala. They received firm support from the rulers of the erstwhile states of Travancore and Cochin.
Official statistics show that private managements control 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools. Most of them receive grants from the State government.
Private managements dominate higher education too. They run 150 of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges.
Official documents do not indicate how many of the private institutions are under the control of the Churches. According to knowledgeable sources, different Christian missions manage more than three-fourths of the private schools. The NSS controls a majority of the rest. The Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam of the Ezhava community and the Muslim Education Society are among the other minor stakeholders.
All but a couple of clauses of the Kerala Education Act, which was enacted by the Communist government 50 years ago, survived the legal challenge mounted by private managements. The Kerala Education Rules framed in terms of that law still hold the ground.
A committee appointed by the present government, with retired Chief Secretary CP Nair as chairman, is now reviewing the KER provisions. It is expected to submit its proposals for changes in it before the year-end.
The day the bishops and the NSS leaders conferred in Perunna, Government School Teachers Union president K Vikraman Nair resigned from the committee to register his opposition to the draft proposals formulated by it. He was the only pro-UDF member of the committee.
Two proposals mooted by LDF supporters have invited the wrath of the private managements, particularly the Churches and the NSS.
One of them envisages transfer of supervisory control over educational institutions from the State governments to the panchayats in furtherance of the policy of decentralisation of power.
Opponents argue that this will enable local politicians to pressure school managements.
While the LDF and the UDF have been alternating in power at the State level, the LDF has been controlling a majority of the local self-government institutions continuously.
The other reform proposal envisages vesting of the power to appoint teachers in the State Public Service Commission. Supporters of the move argue that since the government pays the teachers' salaries the right of appointment must vest in it.
While the Christian missions and the NSS want to retain the right to appoint teachers, the SNDP Yogam favours entrusting the task to the PSC. It hopes this will make it possible to bring teachers' jobs within the purview of the reservation policy. CP Nair has indicated the possibility of creating an alternative mechanism for selection of teachers on the lines of the one in the banking sector.
A clash between the Church-NSS axis and the government on the reform proposals cannot be ruled out. However, much water has flowed under the bridge in the last half-century.
The political situation in the State and the nation as a whole has changed so much that any hope of repeating 1959 is a pipedream.
At the same time, the social and economic power of the forces ranged against the government cannot be wished away. They have enough clout to scuttle the government's plans. This is borne out by the way the managements of self-financing colleges have frustrated all attempts of the LDF government to rein them in. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, November 26, 2007.
Church leaders visited the NSS headquarters at Perunna, Changanassery, on Thursday, reportedly at the instance of Joseph M.Puthussery, a Kerala Congress (Mani) legislator.
A constituent of the opposition United Democratic Front, the KC (M) draws its support mainly from the powerful Syrian Christian community.
The Perunna meeting formed an action committee with Syro Malabar Archbishop Mar Joseph Perunthottam and NSS general secretary PK Narayana Panicker as chairmen and Church of South India bishop Thomas Samuel and NSS joint secretary G Sukumaran Nair as general secretaries.
The Churches and the NSS were together in the 'liberation struggle' that led to the Centre's dismissal of the first Communist government in 1959. The main provocation for that struggle, too, was an attempt at educational reform.
Christian missions were pioneers of modern education in Kerala. They received firm support from the rulers of the erstwhile states of Travancore and Cochin.
Official statistics show that private managements control 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools. Most of them receive grants from the State government.
Private managements dominate higher education too. They run 150 of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges.
Official documents do not indicate how many of the private institutions are under the control of the Churches. According to knowledgeable sources, different Christian missions manage more than three-fourths of the private schools. The NSS controls a majority of the rest. The Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam of the Ezhava community and the Muslim Education Society are among the other minor stakeholders.
All but a couple of clauses of the Kerala Education Act, which was enacted by the Communist government 50 years ago, survived the legal challenge mounted by private managements. The Kerala Education Rules framed in terms of that law still hold the ground.
A committee appointed by the present government, with retired Chief Secretary CP Nair as chairman, is now reviewing the KER provisions. It is expected to submit its proposals for changes in it before the year-end.
The day the bishops and the NSS leaders conferred in Perunna, Government School Teachers Union president K Vikraman Nair resigned from the committee to register his opposition to the draft proposals formulated by it. He was the only pro-UDF member of the committee.
Two proposals mooted by LDF supporters have invited the wrath of the private managements, particularly the Churches and the NSS.
One of them envisages transfer of supervisory control over educational institutions from the State governments to the panchayats in furtherance of the policy of decentralisation of power.
Opponents argue that this will enable local politicians to pressure school managements.
While the LDF and the UDF have been alternating in power at the State level, the LDF has been controlling a majority of the local self-government institutions continuously.
The other reform proposal envisages vesting of the power to appoint teachers in the State Public Service Commission. Supporters of the move argue that since the government pays the teachers' salaries the right of appointment must vest in it.
While the Christian missions and the NSS want to retain the right to appoint teachers, the SNDP Yogam favours entrusting the task to the PSC. It hopes this will make it possible to bring teachers' jobs within the purview of the reservation policy. CP Nair has indicated the possibility of creating an alternative mechanism for selection of teachers on the lines of the one in the banking sector.
A clash between the Church-NSS axis and the government on the reform proposals cannot be ruled out. However, much water has flowed under the bridge in the last half-century.
The political situation in the State and the nation as a whole has changed so much that any hope of repeating 1959 is a pipedream.
At the same time, the social and economic power of the forces ranged against the government cannot be wished away. They have enough clout to scuttle the government's plans. This is borne out by the way the managements of self-financing colleges have frustrated all attempts of the LDF government to rein them in. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, November 26, 2007.
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