B.R.P.Bhaskar
IANS
A landslide victory in last month's local elections has heightened the United Democratic Front's (UDF) hopes of returning to power in Kerala in next year's assembly elections but the Congress, which heads the alliance, may be exulting too soon. Its position is not as rosy as it imagines.
The credit for the UDF victory belongs not so much to the Congress as to its allies who helped consolidate minority support behind the UDF after the Communist Party of India- Marxist (CPI-M), which heads the rival Left Democratic Front (LDF), antagonised Muslims and Christians.
Kerala had created history in 1957 by voting the undivided Communist Party to office. It created history again in 1959 by staging a 'liberation struggle', which provided the centre with the excuse to dismiss the Communist government while it enjoyed majority support in the assembly.
The local election vote was 'liberation' by other means. All the forces which had joined hands in 1959 to oust the Communists from power came together again to end their reign over local bodies. The only exception was the Nair Service Society, the forward Hindu community's organization, which now officially follows a policy of equidistance from the two fronts.
In the local elections of 2004, the LDF had secured control of all five city corporations, 12 of the 14 district panchayats, a large majority of the municipalities and block panchayats and two-thirds of the village panchayats. This year, for the first time, the UDF seized control of a majority of local bodies at all levels with the exception of city corporations, where the LDF was able to retain a slender 3-2 lead.
The LDF victory in the 2006 assembly poll came as a hat-trick after successive wins in the Lok Sabha and local elections. In the past three decades, people have voted the LDF and the UDF to power in the state alternately. After successive drubbings in Lok Sabha and local elections, the LDF now faces the possibility of a reverse hat-trick.
The local elections victory has boosted the image of the state Congress leadership, now firmly in the hands of Leader of Opposition Oommen Chandy and Pradesh Congress Committee president Ramesh Chennithala.
For decades, the party had witnessed continuous infighting between an 'I' faction, named for Indira Gandhi, and an 'A' faction, named for A.K. Antony. Oommen Chandy inherited the 'A' faction when Antony moved to the centre. Ramesh Chennithala, a former protege of K. Karunakaran, gathered around him the remnants of the 'I' faction when the veteran walked out of the party, peeved with his neglect by the high command. With Sonia Gandhi backing them to the hilt, the Chandy-Chennithala 'jodi' established a condominium.
Karunakaran, 92, is back in the party but too old and weak to challenge the duo, whose clout is evident from the way they have delayed the return of his son and former state Congress president K. Muraleedharan. He had left the party with Karunakaran but did not return with him. When he finally expressed readiness to return Chandy and Chennithala reacted coolly and the high command did not want to go against their wishes.
While the Chandy-Chennithala combine is in an unassailable position within the Congress, the party's position in the UDF has weakened. The party's electoral performance under them pales into insignificance beside the strides made by its partners, the Indian Union Muslim League and the Kerala Congress (Mani).
The League is in a position to wield power on its own in many local bodies in its stronghold, the Muslim-majority Malappuram district, which happens to be the most populous one in the state. Unable to agree on the division of seats, the Congress and the League had opposed each other in some parts of the district. The League trounced the Congress in those areas. That puts the League in a commanding position.
In areas with a concentration of Christians, the Kerala Congress similarly outperformed the Congress. Its leader, K.M. Mani, had once described the party as one that "splits as it grows, and grows as it splits". He recently strengthened it by wooing back the breakaway factions led by P.J. Joseph and P.C. George, which were in the LDF during the last assembly elections and had helped it attract Christian votes.
Across the state, the UDF polled 15.65 lakh votes more than the LDF. Malappuram alone contributed a lead of more than four lakhs. Kottayam and Ernakulam districts, which have significant Christian populations, provided a lead of more than three lakhs.
The Church, which runs many schools and colleges, was annoyed with the LDF government's education policy. It reportedly played a role in the merger of the Kerala Congress factions. The CPI-M distanced itself from its former Muslim supporters since the Lok Sabha results showed that the association with some of them had cost it many votes. The bid to make up the loss of minority votes by appealing to majority sentiments did not succeed.
The change of government in the state every five years has been made possible by a swing of the pendulum in the southern districts of Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam and Alappuzha. As the minority parties command little influence in the region, elections there are a direct trial of strength between the CPI-M and the Congress. The LDF's lead of about 80,000 votes over the UDF in these districts is something the Congress has to worry about.
Showing posts with label UDF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UDF. Show all posts
Monday, November 22, 2010
Monday, August 30, 2010
UDF prepares for seat sharing talks
BRP Bhaskar
Gulf Today
As the Left Democratic Front, traditionally the front-runner in local elections in Kerala, enters the arena weakened by the departure of several allies, hope runs high in the rival United Democratic Front.
Most LDF deserters have found refuge in the UDF. Now it has to cope with the problem of finding seats for the newcomers.
The UDF was in a bad shape at the time of the last elections in 2005. The Congress had been weakened by the exit of former Chief Minister K Karunakaran and his son and former State Congress President K Muraleedharan. The LDF’s prospects improved as the Communist Party of India-Marxist having struck a deal with Karunakaran’s Democratic Indira Congress.
Factionalism in the Congress is under check. Karunakaran is back in the party. Muraleedharan has not been readmitted but he has publicly pledged support to the UDF.
MP Veerendrakumar’s Janata Dal, which has been rechristened Socialist Janata, is now a constituent of the UDF. The Congress has appealed to all allies to part with some seats for it. The appeal has not invoked any response.
With the merger of the Kerala Congress faction led by PJ Joseph, which was with the LDF for two decades, the Kerala Congress (Mani) has become the second largest UDF constituent, pushing the Indian Union Muslim League to third place. It has made known that it expects a larger share than in the last elections by virtue of its growth. The Congress party has asked it to accommodate the Joseph group in its quota.
The Janadhipathya Samrakshana Samithi of KR Gowri Amma and the Communist Marxist Party of MV Raghavan are also seeking more seats than last time. Gowri Amma recently hinted that she would explore alternatives if her party’s claims are ignored.
While the JSS remains in the UDF, Gowri Amma has been staying away from its meetings in protest against the Congress party’s failure to act against its members who had worked against her and her party colleagues in the last Assembly elections.
Gowri Amma and Raghavan floated their parties after being expelled from the CPI-M. Some CPI-M leaders, including Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, have resumed personal contacts with Gowri Amma in the recent past. The CPI has said its doors are open to her.
There is little chance of Gowri Amma returning to the CPI-M or the CPI, or the JSS becoming a constituent of the LDF. However, the possibility of a tactical alliance between the CPI-M and the JSS cannot be ruled out. The CPI-M has entered into such alliances with UDF partners in the past.
The Indian National League, a breakaway group of the Indian Union Muslim League, which worked closely with the LDF for many years, has moved over to the UDF camp. The Congress has already decided on an electoral understanding with it.
The delimitation of constituencies has resulted in an increase in the number of wards in various local bodies. However, this is not enough to satisfy the demands of all allies.
The UDF has said it will begin talks on seat allocation for the elections to the local self-government institutions on September 1.
Last week Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy and State Congress President Ramesh Chennithala did some tough talk apparently to set the tone for the negotiations which will be held at lower levels. The party also fielded two other leaders, former Speaker Vakkom Purushothaman and PT Thomas, MP, to counter the demands of the JSS and the Kerala Congress (M) respectively.
In theory, the two fronts divide the seats in proportion to the strength of the constituent parties. But who knows for certain the strength of the parties?
The LDF had won its big majority in the State Assembly in 2006 with only 48.63 per cent of the votes polled. The UDF did not get even half as many seats as the LDF but it had secured 42.98 per cent of the votes. A swing of the pendulum enabled the UDF to bag 16 of the state’s 20 Lok Sabha seats last year.
The CPI-M’s share of the votes polled in the Assembly elections was 30.45 per cent and the Congress party’s 24.09 per cent. These figures indicate that the parties which lead the two fronts together command only about 55 per cent of the votes. Both stand in desperate need of allies to win elections.
Gulf Today
As the Left Democratic Front, traditionally the front-runner in local elections in Kerala, enters the arena weakened by the departure of several allies, hope runs high in the rival United Democratic Front.
Most LDF deserters have found refuge in the UDF. Now it has to cope with the problem of finding seats for the newcomers.
The UDF was in a bad shape at the time of the last elections in 2005. The Congress had been weakened by the exit of former Chief Minister K Karunakaran and his son and former State Congress President K Muraleedharan. The LDF’s prospects improved as the Communist Party of India-Marxist having struck a deal with Karunakaran’s Democratic Indira Congress.
Factionalism in the Congress is under check. Karunakaran is back in the party. Muraleedharan has not been readmitted but he has publicly pledged support to the UDF.
MP Veerendrakumar’s Janata Dal, which has been rechristened Socialist Janata, is now a constituent of the UDF. The Congress has appealed to all allies to part with some seats for it. The appeal has not invoked any response.
With the merger of the Kerala Congress faction led by PJ Joseph, which was with the LDF for two decades, the Kerala Congress (Mani) has become the second largest UDF constituent, pushing the Indian Union Muslim League to third place. It has made known that it expects a larger share than in the last elections by virtue of its growth. The Congress party has asked it to accommodate the Joseph group in its quota.
The Janadhipathya Samrakshana Samithi of KR Gowri Amma and the Communist Marxist Party of MV Raghavan are also seeking more seats than last time. Gowri Amma recently hinted that she would explore alternatives if her party’s claims are ignored.
While the JSS remains in the UDF, Gowri Amma has been staying away from its meetings in protest against the Congress party’s failure to act against its members who had worked against her and her party colleagues in the last Assembly elections.
Gowri Amma and Raghavan floated their parties after being expelled from the CPI-M. Some CPI-M leaders, including Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, have resumed personal contacts with Gowri Amma in the recent past. The CPI has said its doors are open to her.
There is little chance of Gowri Amma returning to the CPI-M or the CPI, or the JSS becoming a constituent of the LDF. However, the possibility of a tactical alliance between the CPI-M and the JSS cannot be ruled out. The CPI-M has entered into such alliances with UDF partners in the past.
The Indian National League, a breakaway group of the Indian Union Muslim League, which worked closely with the LDF for many years, has moved over to the UDF camp. The Congress has already decided on an electoral understanding with it.
The delimitation of constituencies has resulted in an increase in the number of wards in various local bodies. However, this is not enough to satisfy the demands of all allies.
The UDF has said it will begin talks on seat allocation for the elections to the local self-government institutions on September 1.
Last week Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy and State Congress President Ramesh Chennithala did some tough talk apparently to set the tone for the negotiations which will be held at lower levels. The party also fielded two other leaders, former Speaker Vakkom Purushothaman and PT Thomas, MP, to counter the demands of the JSS and the Kerala Congress (M) respectively.
In theory, the two fronts divide the seats in proportion to the strength of the constituent parties. But who knows for certain the strength of the parties?
The LDF had won its big majority in the State Assembly in 2006 with only 48.63 per cent of the votes polled. The UDF did not get even half as many seats as the LDF but it had secured 42.98 per cent of the votes. A swing of the pendulum enabled the UDF to bag 16 of the state’s 20 Lok Sabha seats last year.
The CPI-M’s share of the votes polled in the Assembly elections was 30.45 per cent and the Congress party’s 24.09 per cent. These figures indicate that the parties which lead the two fronts together command only about 55 per cent of the votes. Both stand in desperate need of allies to win elections.
Monday, January 25, 2010
Sectarian forces flexing muscles
BRP BHASKAR
Gulf Today
With elections to the panchayats and the State Assembly fast approaching, organisations of the Nair and Ezhava communities, which account for the bulk of Kerala's Hindu population, have started making noises.
On Friday, Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam, the century-old organisation of the backward Ezhava community, held a massive rally at Kochi and proclaimed a charter of demands, which seeks for the community proportional representation in the political, social, industrial and economic spheres.
Three weeks earlier, the Nair Service Society, which is still a few years short of its centenary, had adopted a resolution demanding reservation for the community in admissions to educational institutions and appointments to government service.
The present reservation policy, which was discriminatory and unscientific, had denied the Nair community equality of opportunity and relegated it to backwardness, the resolution said. To overcome the situation, it proposed that reservation in government employment and education, now restricted to the backward communities, be extended to Nairs too.
Both the Yogam and the NSS invoked the principle of social justice in support of their demands. The Constitution of India, as it now stands, allows special provisions like reservation only for "socially and educationally backward classes" of citizens. Among the beneficiaries of reservation are Ezhavas, Muslims and backward sections of Christians.
The Yogam, established in the time of Sree Narayana Guru, was the first of several social organisations whose combined efforts helped modernise Kerala's caste-ridden society. It was followed by the Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham, of Ayyankali, the earliest fighter for Dalit rights.
The Nair community had enjoyed high social status in the feudal period although it was never recognised as part of the three so-called upper castes, comprising Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. As feudalism was crumbling, a band of young Nairs, led by Mannath Padmanabhan, realised that the community was on the decline. They founded the NSS to better its lot.
This was followed by the formation of the Yogakshema Sabha, which spearheaded the reform movement of the Namboodiri Brahmins.
As organisations working for social reform, they found areas where they could cooperate. Thus, when a satyagraha was on at Vaikom, under the auspices of the Congress, to assert the right of the so-called lower castes to use roads around a temple, Mannath Padmanabhan mobilised Nair support for the agitation.
However, there was a difference in the motivations of the different community organisations. While the victims of the old social order were fighting to secure equal rights, its beneficiaries were essentially seeking ways to retain their supremacy in the emerging new order.
CP Nair, a former chief secretary to the government, in a newspaper article upheld the NSS argument that the community had been relegated to backwardness. He said the land reform measure of the 1970s had dispossessed Nair landowners. With the decline of agriculture, the economic foundations of the community collapsed. Also, it did not benefit to any significant extent from the migration to the Gulf States and to Western countries.
While this assessment is substantially correct, it is not sufficient to warrant the conclusion that the Nairs have become socially and educationally backward. The community's problem is one of economic backwardness. The NSS resolution is part of a campaign to secure an amendment of the Constitution to extend reservation to cover economic backwardness as well.
The NSS's sabre-rattling brought immediate results. Leader of Opposition Oommen Chandy and Pradesh Congress President Ramesh Chennithala rushed to the NSS headquarters at Perunna, near Changanassery, suing for peace.
The NSS leadership was not mollified. It has been annoyed with the Congress since the induction of Shashi Tharoor, whom it has dubbed a 'Delhi Nair,' in the central ministry instead of a Nair MP acceptable to it. It became even more furious when the Congress nominated a Muslim to contest an Assembly seat which was earlier held by a Nair who was in its good books.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) extended support to the NSS resolution. The party has been backing reservation on the basis of economic criteria since the time of the late EMS Namboodiripad.
The NSS publicly expressed appreciation of the CPI-M's response.
The immediate objective of the NSS and the SNDP Yogam is limited. They are flexing muscles to pressure the Congress-led United Democratic Front and the CPI-M-led Left Democratic Front into picking candidates acceptable to them from the two communities in the forthcoming elections, especially the Assembly poll due next year.-- Gulf Today, Sharjah, January 25, 2010.
Gulf Today
With elections to the panchayats and the State Assembly fast approaching, organisations of the Nair and Ezhava communities, which account for the bulk of Kerala's Hindu population, have started making noises.
On Friday, Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam, the century-old organisation of the backward Ezhava community, held a massive rally at Kochi and proclaimed a charter of demands, which seeks for the community proportional representation in the political, social, industrial and economic spheres.
Three weeks earlier, the Nair Service Society, which is still a few years short of its centenary, had adopted a resolution demanding reservation for the community in admissions to educational institutions and appointments to government service.
The present reservation policy, which was discriminatory and unscientific, had denied the Nair community equality of opportunity and relegated it to backwardness, the resolution said. To overcome the situation, it proposed that reservation in government employment and education, now restricted to the backward communities, be extended to Nairs too.
Both the Yogam and the NSS invoked the principle of social justice in support of their demands. The Constitution of India, as it now stands, allows special provisions like reservation only for "socially and educationally backward classes" of citizens. Among the beneficiaries of reservation are Ezhavas, Muslims and backward sections of Christians.
The Yogam, established in the time of Sree Narayana Guru, was the first of several social organisations whose combined efforts helped modernise Kerala's caste-ridden society. It was followed by the Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham, of Ayyankali, the earliest fighter for Dalit rights.
The Nair community had enjoyed high social status in the feudal period although it was never recognised as part of the three so-called upper castes, comprising Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. As feudalism was crumbling, a band of young Nairs, led by Mannath Padmanabhan, realised that the community was on the decline. They founded the NSS to better its lot.
This was followed by the formation of the Yogakshema Sabha, which spearheaded the reform movement of the Namboodiri Brahmins.
As organisations working for social reform, they found areas where they could cooperate. Thus, when a satyagraha was on at Vaikom, under the auspices of the Congress, to assert the right of the so-called lower castes to use roads around a temple, Mannath Padmanabhan mobilised Nair support for the agitation.
However, there was a difference in the motivations of the different community organisations. While the victims of the old social order were fighting to secure equal rights, its beneficiaries were essentially seeking ways to retain their supremacy in the emerging new order.
CP Nair, a former chief secretary to the government, in a newspaper article upheld the NSS argument that the community had been relegated to backwardness. He said the land reform measure of the 1970s had dispossessed Nair landowners. With the decline of agriculture, the economic foundations of the community collapsed. Also, it did not benefit to any significant extent from the migration to the Gulf States and to Western countries.
While this assessment is substantially correct, it is not sufficient to warrant the conclusion that the Nairs have become socially and educationally backward. The community's problem is one of economic backwardness. The NSS resolution is part of a campaign to secure an amendment of the Constitution to extend reservation to cover economic backwardness as well.
The NSS's sabre-rattling brought immediate results. Leader of Opposition Oommen Chandy and Pradesh Congress President Ramesh Chennithala rushed to the NSS headquarters at Perunna, near Changanassery, suing for peace.
The NSS leadership was not mollified. It has been annoyed with the Congress since the induction of Shashi Tharoor, whom it has dubbed a 'Delhi Nair,' in the central ministry instead of a Nair MP acceptable to it. It became even more furious when the Congress nominated a Muslim to contest an Assembly seat which was earlier held by a Nair who was in its good books.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) extended support to the NSS resolution. The party has been backing reservation on the basis of economic criteria since the time of the late EMS Namboodiripad.
The NSS publicly expressed appreciation of the CPI-M's response.
The immediate objective of the NSS and the SNDP Yogam is limited. They are flexing muscles to pressure the Congress-led United Democratic Front and the CPI-M-led Left Democratic Front into picking candidates acceptable to them from the two communities in the forthcoming elections, especially the Assembly poll due next year.-- Gulf Today, Sharjah, January 25, 2010.
Monday, December 7, 2009
Politicking amid price rise
BRP BHASKAR
Gulf Today
Prices of food grains and other essential items have risen sharply in Kerala in recent weeks, imposing a heavy burden on the people. Vegetable prices have gone up by about 30 per cent in six months.
Kerala depends on other states for most of its requirements. Tamil Nadu is the main source of supply of vegetables. Trade sources attribute the spurt in vegetable prices to the damage to crops by rain in that state.
To help the people tide over the situation, the government decided last week to distribute vegetables through the state-owned Kerala State Civil Supplies Corporation (Supplyco) in the urban centres.
In the five cities, Supplyco will make available kits with two and a half kilograms of vegetables for Rs25. This will involve a state subsidy of Rs7.50 per kit as the cost of procuring the vegetables is estimated at Rs32.50.
In the municipal towns, vegetables will be distributed through fair price shops at 15 to 30 per cent below the market rates. Mobile shops will also be commissioned to sell vegetables.
Will the plan work? Doubts prevail in view of the failure of the scheme the state government launched three months ago to set up a chain of far price hotels.
The scheme envisaged setting up of 140 hotels, 10 each in the 14 districts. They were to supply tea and snacks for Rs3 and meals for Rs12.
Only about 50 persons came forward to run hotels under the scheme. And only18 of them actually opened hotels. Five of the hotels have already closed down.
The scheme failed because the authorities did not do the necessary homework before taking it up. Supplyco could not provide grains to the hotels at low rates, as promised.
The ruling Left Democratic Front and the opposition United Democratic Front are trying to derive political mileage out of the price rise by laying the blame at the doors of different governments.
The UDF has announced plans to stage protests outside state government offices. The Kerala Congress (Mani), a constituent of the UDF, has already held some demonstrations on its own.
Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan said that if the opposition is sincere it should stage protests outside the offices of the central government, which was responsible for the price rise.
He also claimed that Union Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar had commended the state government's efforts to hold the price line and held it out as a model for others. UDF spokesmen questioned the claim.
Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy put the ball back in the chief minister's court. He asked the state government to make good the LDF promise to commit Rs400 million to hold the price line with the help of 40,000 cooperatives.
Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac used the opportunity to press the LDF government's long-standing demand for restoration of universal coverage under the public distribution system. The UDF countered the demand by pointing out that the state had failed to lift 20,000 tonnes of rice allotted by the centre.
As a state with chronic food shortage, Kerala developed decades ago a public distribution system capable of serving the entire population. After the centre decided to limit subsidy to persons below the poverty line, those above the poverty line stopped using the PDS outlets as they can get good quality rice in the open market at comparable prices.
Many ration shops started diverting unsold grain stocks to rice mills. The state government turned a blind eye to this clandestine trade.
The centre, taking note of the decline in the requirements of the public distribution system, slashed the state's grains quota. The LDF routinely cites this as proof of discrimination against the state.
As the people reel under the impact of the price rise, the state government is promoting crass consumerism under the banner of the Grand Kerala Shopping Festival.
About 5,000 shops spread all over the state are participating in the 45-day shopping festival, which was formally inaugurated on December 1.
According to the government, the festival aims at linking trade and tourism. It claims that the festival will help find markets for the state's traditional products like spices, handlooms, cashew, coir, handmade mirror and bamboo items.
However, the government's partners in the venture are commercial houses with no interest in traditional products. They include a jewellery, a private sector bank, a super bazaar, a home appliance manufacturer, an automobile firm and a soap manufacturer. The bank and the jewellery are the only institutions from the state. -- Gulf Today, December 7, 2009.
Gulf Today
Prices of food grains and other essential items have risen sharply in Kerala in recent weeks, imposing a heavy burden on the people. Vegetable prices have gone up by about 30 per cent in six months.
Kerala depends on other states for most of its requirements. Tamil Nadu is the main source of supply of vegetables. Trade sources attribute the spurt in vegetable prices to the damage to crops by rain in that state.
To help the people tide over the situation, the government decided last week to distribute vegetables through the state-owned Kerala State Civil Supplies Corporation (Supplyco) in the urban centres.
In the five cities, Supplyco will make available kits with two and a half kilograms of vegetables for Rs25. This will involve a state subsidy of Rs7.50 per kit as the cost of procuring the vegetables is estimated at Rs32.50.
In the municipal towns, vegetables will be distributed through fair price shops at 15 to 30 per cent below the market rates. Mobile shops will also be commissioned to sell vegetables.
Will the plan work? Doubts prevail in view of the failure of the scheme the state government launched three months ago to set up a chain of far price hotels.
The scheme envisaged setting up of 140 hotels, 10 each in the 14 districts. They were to supply tea and snacks for Rs3 and meals for Rs12.
Only about 50 persons came forward to run hotels under the scheme. And only18 of them actually opened hotels. Five of the hotels have already closed down.
The scheme failed because the authorities did not do the necessary homework before taking it up. Supplyco could not provide grains to the hotels at low rates, as promised.
The ruling Left Democratic Front and the opposition United Democratic Front are trying to derive political mileage out of the price rise by laying the blame at the doors of different governments.
The UDF has announced plans to stage protests outside state government offices. The Kerala Congress (Mani), a constituent of the UDF, has already held some demonstrations on its own.
Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan said that if the opposition is sincere it should stage protests outside the offices of the central government, which was responsible for the price rise.
He also claimed that Union Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar had commended the state government's efforts to hold the price line and held it out as a model for others. UDF spokesmen questioned the claim.
Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy put the ball back in the chief minister's court. He asked the state government to make good the LDF promise to commit Rs400 million to hold the price line with the help of 40,000 cooperatives.
Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac used the opportunity to press the LDF government's long-standing demand for restoration of universal coverage under the public distribution system. The UDF countered the demand by pointing out that the state had failed to lift 20,000 tonnes of rice allotted by the centre.
As a state with chronic food shortage, Kerala developed decades ago a public distribution system capable of serving the entire population. After the centre decided to limit subsidy to persons below the poverty line, those above the poverty line stopped using the PDS outlets as they can get good quality rice in the open market at comparable prices.
Many ration shops started diverting unsold grain stocks to rice mills. The state government turned a blind eye to this clandestine trade.
The centre, taking note of the decline in the requirements of the public distribution system, slashed the state's grains quota. The LDF routinely cites this as proof of discrimination against the state.
As the people reel under the impact of the price rise, the state government is promoting crass consumerism under the banner of the Grand Kerala Shopping Festival.
About 5,000 shops spread all over the state are participating in the 45-day shopping festival, which was formally inaugurated on December 1.
According to the government, the festival aims at linking trade and tourism. It claims that the festival will help find markets for the state's traditional products like spices, handlooms, cashew, coir, handmade mirror and bamboo items.
However, the government's partners in the venture are commercial houses with no interest in traditional products. They include a jewellery, a private sector bank, a super bazaar, a home appliance manufacturer, an automobile firm and a soap manufacturer. The bank and the jewellery are the only institutions from the state. -- Gulf Today, December 7, 2009.
Monday, October 26, 2009
Political contamination of state service is showing
BRP BHASKAR
Gulf Today
TWO controversies that rocked Kerala last week provide fresh evidence of political contamination of the official machinery, affecting its ability to discharge its functions impartially.
One controversy related to the enrolment of bogus voters in advance of the Assembly by-elections scheduled for Nov.7. The other related to the inclusion of a question that betrays political bias of teachers.
The first controversy grew into a messy affair before the Election Commission of India intervened and provided partial relief. The possibility of its erupting again after the polling cannot be ruled out.
The second controversy ended quickly with Education Minister MA Baby graciously acknowledging the mistake.
The Assembly by-elections in Kannur, Ernakulam and Alappuzha were necessitated by the election of their representatives to the Lok Sabha. All the three seats were held by the Congress, which heads the opposition United Democratic Front.
The outcome of the by-elections will not affect the stability of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government, which has a comfortable majority in the Assembly. However, the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), which heads the coalition, is eager to grab at least one seat to boost its sagging image.
The party considers Kannur its best bet. Although Kannur town has been out of its hands for more than three decades, Kannur district is its stronghold. It also happens to be the home district of party state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
The Congress's decision to put up AP Abdullakutty, a former CPI-M member of the Lok Sabha, as its candidate in Kannur was a taunt which the party could not ignore. It fielded MV Jayarajan, a close lieutenant of Pinarayi Vijayan and architect of many successful electoral strategies.
K. Sudhakaran had won the seat in 2006 by a margin of 8,376 votes over his CPI-M rival KP Sahadevan. The Congress party alleged that the CPI-M had enrolled about 10,000 new voters with the help of pliant officials to offset its winning margin. It also charged that several hundred Congress voters had been dropped from the electoral rolls.
The CPI-M claimed it was the Congress which was guilty of enrolling bogus voters. It said the party, sensing defeat, was levelling false charges.
Media reports highlighted several instances of irregular enrolment. They pointed out that some of the addresses given by the new voters were non-existent.
The CPI-M may not be the only party which resorted to illegal enrolment but its involvement is clear from the fact that scores of newly registered voters are shown as living in premises under its control.
The revised rolls published last Wednesday shows an increase of 9,357 in the electorate. According to the electoral rolls officer, a total of 12,631 applications had been received.
The Congress took its complaints against the revised voters list to the Election Commission. The party asked that District Collector VK Balakrishnan, who was acting in collusion with the CPI-M, be removed.
The Commission directed the state government to replace the Collector but rejected the Congress demand that the by-election be postponed or held on the basis of the earlier voters' list.
The Commission's inability to ensure the elimination of all ineligible voters points to its limitations in the context of widespread political contamination of the official machinery.
The controversial question set for the half-yearly higher secondary examination cited a newspaper report on the death of Mercy Ravi, wife of Union Minister Vayalar Ravi, as an instance of the media giving undue importance to rich and influential persons and asked the students to write protest letters to the editor against the excessive coverage.
A former legislator and nationAl level leader of the Mahila Congress and the Indian National Trade Union Congress, Mercy Ravi was a public figure in her own right.
When the LDF is in power the task of setting question papers is entrusted to the pro-CPI-M Kerala State Teachers Association.
After the minister conceded that the question was inappropriate, KSTA general secretary C. Usman claimed the organisation was not aware of the contents of the question papers, prepared by the academic councils constituted by it.
Over the last decade several instances of government employees holding membership of the CPI-M in violation of the service rules have come to light.
The posts they occupy range from those of college professors and executive engineers to those of policemen.
It is almost certain that other political parties, too, have attracted government employees through service organisations under their control.
Gulf Today
TWO controversies that rocked Kerala last week provide fresh evidence of political contamination of the official machinery, affecting its ability to discharge its functions impartially.
One controversy related to the enrolment of bogus voters in advance of the Assembly by-elections scheduled for Nov.7. The other related to the inclusion of a question that betrays political bias of teachers.
The first controversy grew into a messy affair before the Election Commission of India intervened and provided partial relief. The possibility of its erupting again after the polling cannot be ruled out.
The second controversy ended quickly with Education Minister MA Baby graciously acknowledging the mistake.
The Assembly by-elections in Kannur, Ernakulam and Alappuzha were necessitated by the election of their representatives to the Lok Sabha. All the three seats were held by the Congress, which heads the opposition United Democratic Front.
The outcome of the by-elections will not affect the stability of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government, which has a comfortable majority in the Assembly. However, the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), which heads the coalition, is eager to grab at least one seat to boost its sagging image.
The party considers Kannur its best bet. Although Kannur town has been out of its hands for more than three decades, Kannur district is its stronghold. It also happens to be the home district of party state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
The Congress's decision to put up AP Abdullakutty, a former CPI-M member of the Lok Sabha, as its candidate in Kannur was a taunt which the party could not ignore. It fielded MV Jayarajan, a close lieutenant of Pinarayi Vijayan and architect of many successful electoral strategies.
K. Sudhakaran had won the seat in 2006 by a margin of 8,376 votes over his CPI-M rival KP Sahadevan. The Congress party alleged that the CPI-M had enrolled about 10,000 new voters with the help of pliant officials to offset its winning margin. It also charged that several hundred Congress voters had been dropped from the electoral rolls.
The CPI-M claimed it was the Congress which was guilty of enrolling bogus voters. It said the party, sensing defeat, was levelling false charges.
Media reports highlighted several instances of irregular enrolment. They pointed out that some of the addresses given by the new voters were non-existent.
The CPI-M may not be the only party which resorted to illegal enrolment but its involvement is clear from the fact that scores of newly registered voters are shown as living in premises under its control.
The revised rolls published last Wednesday shows an increase of 9,357 in the electorate. According to the electoral rolls officer, a total of 12,631 applications had been received.
The Congress took its complaints against the revised voters list to the Election Commission. The party asked that District Collector VK Balakrishnan, who was acting in collusion with the CPI-M, be removed.
The Commission directed the state government to replace the Collector but rejected the Congress demand that the by-election be postponed or held on the basis of the earlier voters' list.
The Commission's inability to ensure the elimination of all ineligible voters points to its limitations in the context of widespread political contamination of the official machinery.
The controversial question set for the half-yearly higher secondary examination cited a newspaper report on the death of Mercy Ravi, wife of Union Minister Vayalar Ravi, as an instance of the media giving undue importance to rich and influential persons and asked the students to write protest letters to the editor against the excessive coverage.
A former legislator and nationAl level leader of the Mahila Congress and the Indian National Trade Union Congress, Mercy Ravi was a public figure in her own right.
When the LDF is in power the task of setting question papers is entrusted to the pro-CPI-M Kerala State Teachers Association.
After the minister conceded that the question was inappropriate, KSTA general secretary C. Usman claimed the organisation was not aware of the contents of the question papers, prepared by the academic councils constituted by it.
Over the last decade several instances of government employees holding membership of the CPI-M in violation of the service rules have come to light.
The posts they occupy range from those of college professors and executive engineers to those of policemen.
It is almost certain that other political parties, too, have attracted government employees through service organisations under their control.
Wednesday, September 23, 2009
Political rivals point to each other’s links with goons
BRP BHASKAR
Gulf Today
How many goons are there in Kerala? This was a question which Home Minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan was to answer in the State Assembly last week. He evaded it with a written reply saying information was being collected.
The day the question came up in the house the minister was in New Delhi to receive an award from a media company which had adjudged Kerala as the state with the best record in the maintenance of law and order.
As he was receiving the award, the Opposition was flaying the government alleging collapse of law and order in the state.
According to information provided by the government in the Assembly on another occasion, there are 374 goons in the state and 43 of them are in jails. Citing these figures in a newspaper article, Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy asked: are the remaining 331 goons the ones who were terrorising Kerala?
Oommen Chandy was the chief minister when the state promulgated an anti-goon ordinance for the first time in 2006. According to him, there were 817 persons from Thiruvananthapuram district, 433 from Kollam district and 428 from Kochi in the list of goons prepared at that time.
Joining issue with Oommen Chandy, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan asked why the United Democratic Front government had not arrested even one goon during the five years it was in power.
The exchanges between the two leaders made it clear that the difference between the UDF and the LDF was limited to the estimated number of goons. When it comes to action, both are equally unenthusiastic.
The UDF government, which enacted the anti-goon law at the fag end of its term, did not take action against any one under it. The LDF scrapped the law as soon as it came to power and brought in another.
According to Oommen Chandy, the law was changed to get supporters of the Communist Party of India-Marxist out of its ambit.
A redeeming feature of the LDF law is that it has limited the scope for misuse. Only the district magistrate is empowered to order detention under it. Under the UDF law, apart from the district magistrate, police officers authorised by the government for the purpose could also order detention.
The LDF law altered the definition of the goon. The term now applies only to persons found guilty by a court or by the police in three different cases based on private complaints. Since members of the public do not ordinarily have the courage to lodge complaints against criminals who enjoy political patronage most of the persons in the list of 2006 ceased to be goons.
In the newspaper article, Oommen Chandy accused the LDF of throwing the door open for political interference in the administration of the law. Under the UDF law, the detention orders were to be reviewed by a committee comprising three high court judges.
The LDF law provides for political nominees in the review committee. The committee constituted by the present government includes two persons who had contested the local bodies elections as CPI-M candidates.
In his response to Oommen Chandy’s charges, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan referred to the alleged links between some Congress leaders and the goons who were convicted in the sensational Kanichukulangara murder case.
He sought to contrast the LDF government’s record with that of the LDF government, which had arrested Santosh Madhavan on charges of rape and Omprakash and Rajesh on charges of concealment of evidence in the Paul M. George murder case.
He, of course, glossed over the fact that these dubious characters were arrested in the wake of a barrage of media reports alleging they were under the protection of political leaders.
The arguments and counter-arguments of the Home Minister and the Opposition leader over the law and order situation are devoid of merit as the state has received awards for good performance in this area under both LDF rule and UDF rule.
Kerala was first chosen for the law-and-order award early in this decade. When the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative organised an interaction between police personnel and human rights defenders at Thiruvananthapuram in 2003 an officer proudly cited this award as a testimonial for the state police.
CM Radhakrishnan Nair, an Indian Police Service officer who had served as Additional Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation, told him that the award only meant that Kerala was better off than Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, September 21, 2009.
Gulf Today
How many goons are there in Kerala? This was a question which Home Minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan was to answer in the State Assembly last week. He evaded it with a written reply saying information was being collected.
The day the question came up in the house the minister was in New Delhi to receive an award from a media company which had adjudged Kerala as the state with the best record in the maintenance of law and order.
As he was receiving the award, the Opposition was flaying the government alleging collapse of law and order in the state.
According to information provided by the government in the Assembly on another occasion, there are 374 goons in the state and 43 of them are in jails. Citing these figures in a newspaper article, Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy asked: are the remaining 331 goons the ones who were terrorising Kerala?
Oommen Chandy was the chief minister when the state promulgated an anti-goon ordinance for the first time in 2006. According to him, there were 817 persons from Thiruvananthapuram district, 433 from Kollam district and 428 from Kochi in the list of goons prepared at that time.
Joining issue with Oommen Chandy, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan asked why the United Democratic Front government had not arrested even one goon during the five years it was in power.
The exchanges between the two leaders made it clear that the difference between the UDF and the LDF was limited to the estimated number of goons. When it comes to action, both are equally unenthusiastic.
The UDF government, which enacted the anti-goon law at the fag end of its term, did not take action against any one under it. The LDF scrapped the law as soon as it came to power and brought in another.
According to Oommen Chandy, the law was changed to get supporters of the Communist Party of India-Marxist out of its ambit.
A redeeming feature of the LDF law is that it has limited the scope for misuse. Only the district magistrate is empowered to order detention under it. Under the UDF law, apart from the district magistrate, police officers authorised by the government for the purpose could also order detention.
The LDF law altered the definition of the goon. The term now applies only to persons found guilty by a court or by the police in three different cases based on private complaints. Since members of the public do not ordinarily have the courage to lodge complaints against criminals who enjoy political patronage most of the persons in the list of 2006 ceased to be goons.
In the newspaper article, Oommen Chandy accused the LDF of throwing the door open for political interference in the administration of the law. Under the UDF law, the detention orders were to be reviewed by a committee comprising three high court judges.
The LDF law provides for political nominees in the review committee. The committee constituted by the present government includes two persons who had contested the local bodies elections as CPI-M candidates.
In his response to Oommen Chandy’s charges, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan referred to the alleged links between some Congress leaders and the goons who were convicted in the sensational Kanichukulangara murder case.
He sought to contrast the LDF government’s record with that of the LDF government, which had arrested Santosh Madhavan on charges of rape and Omprakash and Rajesh on charges of concealment of evidence in the Paul M. George murder case.
He, of course, glossed over the fact that these dubious characters were arrested in the wake of a barrage of media reports alleging they were under the protection of political leaders.
The arguments and counter-arguments of the Home Minister and the Opposition leader over the law and order situation are devoid of merit as the state has received awards for good performance in this area under both LDF rule and UDF rule.
Kerala was first chosen for the law-and-order award early in this decade. When the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative organised an interaction between police personnel and human rights defenders at Thiruvananthapuram in 2003 an officer proudly cited this award as a testimonial for the state police.
CM Radhakrishnan Nair, an Indian Police Service officer who had served as Additional Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation, told him that the award only meant that Kerala was better off than Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, September 21, 2009.
Sunday, April 26, 2009
Kerala awaits outcome of CPI-M's poll gamble
B.R.P. BHASKAR
Indo-Asian News Service
One question nags political parties and pundits alike after the Lok Sabha elections in Kerala: Will the Communist Party of India-Marxist's gamble pay off or will the communal chickens come home to roost?
All 20 constituencies of the state went to the polls on April 16. Since counting of votes will take place only on May 16, there is an agonizing wait of a month before the voting machines yield their secret.
Elections in the state are essentially trials of strength between the CPI-M-led Left Democratic Front and the Congress-led United Democratic Front. In the assembly elections, the people vote the two fronts to power alternately.
While in the panchayat polls, the LDF has an edge over the UDF, in the Lok Sabha elections, the UDF generally fared better than the LDF until 2004, when the LDF bagged 18 of the 20 seats. The Indian Federal Democratic Party, a partner of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance, got one seat. The lone UDF seat went to the Indian Union Muslim League. For the first time, the Congress drew a blank.
The popular explanation for the LDF landslide of 2004 is that the people turned away from the UDF, disgusted by the prolonged group war in the Congress and the cynical poll-eve patch-up. The pendulum swung so widely that the UDF was almost wiped out.
Several Muslim groups, unhappy over the League's soft response to the demolition of Babri Masjid, backed the LDF in 2004 and in the assembly elections of 2006. The lesson the CPI-M drew from these elections was that Muslim support can make a difference to its fortune.
The Kerala party, which has to alternate in power with the Congress-led alliance, envies the record of the West Bengal party, which has been in office continuously for three decades. For some years, it has been looking out for new partners who can help it achieve the dream of unbroken run of power.
When former chief minister K. Karunakaran walked out of the Congress with his followers, state party secretary Pinarayi Vijayan was ready to welcome him into the LDF. Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan set his face against it. As the national leadership sided with him, Vijayan's plan fell through.
Before the Lok Sabha elections, Pinarayi Vijayan identified People's Democratic Party (PDP) chairman Abdul Naser Mahdani as a partner who can help boost the LDF's prospects. A fiery orator, Mahdani shot into prominence in the 1990s with a virulent campaign on the Babri Masjid issue. He was arrested in connection with a series of bomb blasts in Coimbatore shortly before a visit by BJP leader L.K. Advani in 1998, and remained in jail without bail or parole for more than nine years. On acquittal in 2007, he emerged with a martyr's halo.
Vijayan struck a deal with Mahdani under which the PDP extended support to the LDF in 19 constituencies in exchange for its adopting a candidate of his choice in Ponnani. Achuthanandan set his face against this deal, too, but this time the national leadership sided with Vijayan.
General secretary Prakash Karat apparently endorsed Pinarayi Vijayan's electoral scheme with a view to maximizing the number of seats the party can win in Kerala.
Of the party's 43 seats in the outgoing Lok Sabha, 40 came from its strongholds of West Bengal (26 out of a total of 42), Kerala (12 out of 20) and Tripura (2 out of 2). Local tie-ups brought in three seats -- two from Tamil Nadu and one from Andhra Pradesh.
Since Singur and Nandigram were sure to hurt the party's prospects in West Bengal, it wanted to retain the gains of 2004 in Kerala at all costs. Playing on Muslim sentiments a la Abdul Naser Mahdani appeared to offer the best chance in this regard. To maintain secular balance, the party brought on to its platform Janapaksham, a BJP splinter group, also.
The PDP deal ran counter to the CPI-M's proclaimed policy of not having any truck with communal parties, which was never pursued strictly anyway. A breakaway faction of the predominantly Christian outfit, the Kerala Congress, is a constituent of the LDF. The Indian National League, a splinter of the Muslim League, enjoys the benefits of LDF membership without being a constituent.
Muslims constitute 25 percent of Kerala's population and Christians 19 percent. The common perception that Communists are anti-religion has limited the party's appeal among both groups. The piggy-back ride may have helped the LDF to gain Muslim votes but it may have come with a high price tag.
The CPI-M took away two seats of its alliance partners to put through its electoral strategy. The CPI, which resented the gifting of its Ponnani seat to Mahdani's nominee, was pacified by offering it Wayanad instead. The Janata Dal-Secular, which was left with no seat after the CPI-M set up its own candidate in Kozhikode, vent its anger by working against the LDF.
Analysts are certain to scrutinize the poll results closely to see how the Hindu majority, from which the CPI-M draws the bulk of its support, has responded to the party's pampering of the PDP.
Indo-Asian News Service
One question nags political parties and pundits alike after the Lok Sabha elections in Kerala: Will the Communist Party of India-Marxist's gamble pay off or will the communal chickens come home to roost?
All 20 constituencies of the state went to the polls on April 16. Since counting of votes will take place only on May 16, there is an agonizing wait of a month before the voting machines yield their secret.
Elections in the state are essentially trials of strength between the CPI-M-led Left Democratic Front and the Congress-led United Democratic Front. In the assembly elections, the people vote the two fronts to power alternately.
While in the panchayat polls, the LDF has an edge over the UDF, in the Lok Sabha elections, the UDF generally fared better than the LDF until 2004, when the LDF bagged 18 of the 20 seats. The Indian Federal Democratic Party, a partner of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance, got one seat. The lone UDF seat went to the Indian Union Muslim League. For the first time, the Congress drew a blank.
The popular explanation for the LDF landslide of 2004 is that the people turned away from the UDF, disgusted by the prolonged group war in the Congress and the cynical poll-eve patch-up. The pendulum swung so widely that the UDF was almost wiped out.
Several Muslim groups, unhappy over the League's soft response to the demolition of Babri Masjid, backed the LDF in 2004 and in the assembly elections of 2006. The lesson the CPI-M drew from these elections was that Muslim support can make a difference to its fortune.
The Kerala party, which has to alternate in power with the Congress-led alliance, envies the record of the West Bengal party, which has been in office continuously for three decades. For some years, it has been looking out for new partners who can help it achieve the dream of unbroken run of power.
When former chief minister K. Karunakaran walked out of the Congress with his followers, state party secretary Pinarayi Vijayan was ready to welcome him into the LDF. Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan set his face against it. As the national leadership sided with him, Vijayan's plan fell through.
Before the Lok Sabha elections, Pinarayi Vijayan identified People's Democratic Party (PDP) chairman Abdul Naser Mahdani as a partner who can help boost the LDF's prospects. A fiery orator, Mahdani shot into prominence in the 1990s with a virulent campaign on the Babri Masjid issue. He was arrested in connection with a series of bomb blasts in Coimbatore shortly before a visit by BJP leader L.K. Advani in 1998, and remained in jail without bail or parole for more than nine years. On acquittal in 2007, he emerged with a martyr's halo.
Vijayan struck a deal with Mahdani under which the PDP extended support to the LDF in 19 constituencies in exchange for its adopting a candidate of his choice in Ponnani. Achuthanandan set his face against this deal, too, but this time the national leadership sided with Vijayan.
General secretary Prakash Karat apparently endorsed Pinarayi Vijayan's electoral scheme with a view to maximizing the number of seats the party can win in Kerala.
Of the party's 43 seats in the outgoing Lok Sabha, 40 came from its strongholds of West Bengal (26 out of a total of 42), Kerala (12 out of 20) and Tripura (2 out of 2). Local tie-ups brought in three seats -- two from Tamil Nadu and one from Andhra Pradesh.
Since Singur and Nandigram were sure to hurt the party's prospects in West Bengal, it wanted to retain the gains of 2004 in Kerala at all costs. Playing on Muslim sentiments a la Abdul Naser Mahdani appeared to offer the best chance in this regard. To maintain secular balance, the party brought on to its platform Janapaksham, a BJP splinter group, also.
The PDP deal ran counter to the CPI-M's proclaimed policy of not having any truck with communal parties, which was never pursued strictly anyway. A breakaway faction of the predominantly Christian outfit, the Kerala Congress, is a constituent of the LDF. The Indian National League, a splinter of the Muslim League, enjoys the benefits of LDF membership without being a constituent.
Muslims constitute 25 percent of Kerala's population and Christians 19 percent. The common perception that Communists are anti-religion has limited the party's appeal among both groups. The piggy-back ride may have helped the LDF to gain Muslim votes but it may have come with a high price tag.
The CPI-M took away two seats of its alliance partners to put through its electoral strategy. The CPI, which resented the gifting of its Ponnani seat to Mahdani's nominee, was pacified by offering it Wayanad instead. The Janata Dal-Secular, which was left with no seat after the CPI-M set up its own candidate in Kozhikode, vent its anger by working against the LDF.
Analysts are certain to scrutinize the poll results closely to see how the Hindu majority, from which the CPI-M draws the bulk of its support, has responded to the party's pampering of the PDP.
Monday, March 30, 2009
Claims and counter-claims leave voters confused
BRP BHASKAR
Gulf Today
As the Lok Sabha poll enters the final phase, the high-pitched campaigns of Kerala's two electoral fronts, which are fairly well matched in terms of popular support, are generating more heat than light. Nominations in the state, which goes to the polls on April 16, closes on Monday.
Most of the candidates of the Left Democratic Front(LDF) and the United Democratic Front(UDF) and the parties outside these alliances have filed their nomination papers.
However, the final line-up will be known only on Thursday, the last day for withdrawal of nominations.
Last week the decibel level of the campaigns rose as both the LDF and the UDF held a series of constituency-level conventions, where they hurled charges against each other.
The news channel debates provided candidates of the two fronts as well as the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) the opportunity to present their cases before the public.
Early on, the media focused attention on the ties the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) had forged with the People's Democratic Party(PDP) of Abdul Naser Ma'dani, much to the annoyance of its LDF partners, the Communist Party of Idia(CPI) and the Revolutionary Socialist Party(RSP).
Since his acquittal in the Coimbatore bomb blast case, after being in jail for more than nine years as an undertrial prisoner, Ma'dani has made Malappuram his main area of activity, raising a direct challenge to the Indian Union Muslim League(IUML), which has been the major political force in the Muslim-majority district since Independence.
Mahdani played a key role in the CPI-M's decision to put up Husain Randathani, a college principal, as the LDF-backed independent candidate in Ponnani.
He was the star attraction at the LDF convention in that constituency, which was inaugurated by CPI-M state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
There was a spate of reports in the media, based on statements reportedly made by some youths during police interrogation, alleging that suspected terrorists had contacts with Ma'dani or his wife.
It is not clear how the testimony, which was recorded by the police months ago, reached the media at election time.
The Ma'dani connection cast its shadow on the CPI-M and the state government too.
While Home Minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan said the allegations against the PDP leader were not new and there was no need for any investigation, Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan said the allegations would be investigated.
Ma'dani, on his part, said he was ready to face any investigation.
The CPI-M national leadership stood by the state unit's electoral understanding with the PDP but found it necessary to declare that there was no proposal to admit it into the LDF.
The Mahdani factor put the CPI-M on the defensive.
But, more importantly, it diverted popular attention from other issues which were expected to dominate the campaigns of the two fronts.
At week's end, both sides were trying to shift the focus to other issues.
In a bid to turn the spotlight on the Lavalin case, a UDF delegation met Governor RS Gavai to complain about the inordinate delay in responding to the Central Bureau of Investigation's request for permission to prosecute Pinarayi Vijayan, whom it has named as an accused in the corruption case.
There were indications earlier that the UDF would take full advantage of the Lavalin case, which is the first corruption case in which a CPI-M Politburo member has been named as an accused.
It had described Lavalin as an even greater scandal than Bofors.
With the news of a suspicious arms deal with Israel breaking, the LDF believes it has a powerful weapon with which to counter the Lavalin scandal.
The Israeli deal is twice as large as the Lavalin contract.
All India Congress Committee general secretary Rahul Gandhi, on a visit to Kerala early this month, claimed that the Congress-led government at the Centre had sanctioned the state schemes worth Rs 400 billion during the past years, but the LDF government here was no able to deliver the goods. He did not specify the schemes.
In this year's budget, finance minister TM Thomas Isaac announced that the state would make investments to the tune of Rs100 billion. He too did not specify the schemes.
Campaigners on both sides fling these figures in election speeches.
Is Abdul Naser Ma'dani an extremist? Was there corruption in the Lavalin deal? Has the Centre given Kerala a few hundred billions? Is the state government investing 100 billion? Amid the claims and counter-claims of the campaigners, answers to such questions elude the voters.
Gulf Today
As the Lok Sabha poll enters the final phase, the high-pitched campaigns of Kerala's two electoral fronts, which are fairly well matched in terms of popular support, are generating more heat than light. Nominations in the state, which goes to the polls on April 16, closes on Monday.
Most of the candidates of the Left Democratic Front(LDF) and the United Democratic Front(UDF) and the parties outside these alliances have filed their nomination papers.
However, the final line-up will be known only on Thursday, the last day for withdrawal of nominations.
Last week the decibel level of the campaigns rose as both the LDF and the UDF held a series of constituency-level conventions, where they hurled charges against each other.
The news channel debates provided candidates of the two fronts as well as the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) the opportunity to present their cases before the public.
Early on, the media focused attention on the ties the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) had forged with the People's Democratic Party(PDP) of Abdul Naser Ma'dani, much to the annoyance of its LDF partners, the Communist Party of Idia(CPI) and the Revolutionary Socialist Party(RSP).
Since his acquittal in the Coimbatore bomb blast case, after being in jail for more than nine years as an undertrial prisoner, Ma'dani has made Malappuram his main area of activity, raising a direct challenge to the Indian Union Muslim League(IUML), which has been the major political force in the Muslim-majority district since Independence.
Mahdani played a key role in the CPI-M's decision to put up Husain Randathani, a college principal, as the LDF-backed independent candidate in Ponnani.
He was the star attraction at the LDF convention in that constituency, which was inaugurated by CPI-M state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
There was a spate of reports in the media, based on statements reportedly made by some youths during police interrogation, alleging that suspected terrorists had contacts with Ma'dani or his wife.
It is not clear how the testimony, which was recorded by the police months ago, reached the media at election time.
The Ma'dani connection cast its shadow on the CPI-M and the state government too.
While Home Minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan said the allegations against the PDP leader were not new and there was no need for any investigation, Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan said the allegations would be investigated.
Ma'dani, on his part, said he was ready to face any investigation.
The CPI-M national leadership stood by the state unit's electoral understanding with the PDP but found it necessary to declare that there was no proposal to admit it into the LDF.
The Mahdani factor put the CPI-M on the defensive.
But, more importantly, it diverted popular attention from other issues which were expected to dominate the campaigns of the two fronts.
At week's end, both sides were trying to shift the focus to other issues.
In a bid to turn the spotlight on the Lavalin case, a UDF delegation met Governor RS Gavai to complain about the inordinate delay in responding to the Central Bureau of Investigation's request for permission to prosecute Pinarayi Vijayan, whom it has named as an accused in the corruption case.
There were indications earlier that the UDF would take full advantage of the Lavalin case, which is the first corruption case in which a CPI-M Politburo member has been named as an accused.
It had described Lavalin as an even greater scandal than Bofors.
With the news of a suspicious arms deal with Israel breaking, the LDF believes it has a powerful weapon with which to counter the Lavalin scandal.
The Israeli deal is twice as large as the Lavalin contract.
All India Congress Committee general secretary Rahul Gandhi, on a visit to Kerala early this month, claimed that the Congress-led government at the Centre had sanctioned the state schemes worth Rs 400 billion during the past years, but the LDF government here was no able to deliver the goods. He did not specify the schemes.
In this year's budget, finance minister TM Thomas Isaac announced that the state would make investments to the tune of Rs100 billion. He too did not specify the schemes.
Campaigners on both sides fling these figures in election speeches.
Is Abdul Naser Ma'dani an extremist? Was there corruption in the Lavalin deal? Has the Centre given Kerala a few hundred billions? Is the state government investing 100 billion? Amid the claims and counter-claims of the campaigners, answers to such questions elude the voters.
Monday, March 23, 2009
Two-front system faces challenge from inside and outside
BRP BHASKAR
Gulf Today
The two-front system that has dominated Kerala's electoral scene for more than two decades is facing severe challenges from inside and outside, casting a shadow on their future.
Although public attention is centred on the fronts, elections in the state are now multi-cornered. In the 2004 Lok Sabha poll, there was no constituency which had fewer than five candidates. Out of the 20 constituencies, 17 had six or more candidates each.
For long, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been striving to break through the solid phalanx put up by the rival alliances, the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Congress party and the Left Democratic Front (LDF) led by the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). So far, it has not been able to win even an assembly seat.
When the BJP-led coalition was in power at the Centre, the party got one of its state leaders, O. Rajagopal, into the Rajya Sabha from Madhya Pradesh and made him a minister.His promotion of the state's interests earned him a personal following but it was not enough to win a Lok Sabha seat.
The BJP contested 19 Lok Sabha seats last time and garnered 10.4% of the votes polled.
However, all candidates excepting Rajagopal and another forfeited their deposits. In the assembly elections of 2006 the party's vote share dropped to 4.8%.
The BJP is not the only national party looking for a breakthrough in the state.
Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was in the arena last time with 14 candidates. All forfeited their deposits. The party's vote share was less than 0.5%.
The BSP is in the field again in a big way, and Mayawati was in Thiruvananthapuram during the weekend to boost its candidates' prospects.
The party, which captured power in UP last year by reaching out beyond its traditional Dalit base, is planning to replicate that experiment in Kerala. It has fielded this time two experienced non-Dalit politicians, A. Neelalohithadasan Nadar (Thiruvanathapuram) and KK Nair (Pathanamthitta).
Neelalohithadasan, who began public life as a Congressman, shot into fame decades ago by defeating Communist Party of India (CPI) veteran MN Govindan Nair in Thiruvananthapuram by mobilising the support of his backward class Nadar community. A Janata Dal (S) minister in the last LDF regime, he had to quit the party and the government following allegations of sexual harassment.
KK Nair, who was first elected to the assembly from Pathanamthitta as an Independent, had kept a government led by K. Karunakaran in office when it was reduced to a minority. The price he extracted was the formation of Pathanamthitta district.
Since neither the LDF nor the UDF showed interest in an alliance with it, the Nationalist Congress Party NCP), which is a recognised national party, is in the field all by itself.
The party's state president, K. Muraleedharan, who repeatedly threatened to contest all the 20 seats, has now decided, in consultation with the national president, Sharad Pawar, to put up just four candidates.
Apart from these national parties, some local players are also in the picture. They include breakaway Left elements.
Both the fronts are in disarray. The LDF's problems are organisational. There is deep discontent among its constituents.
The Congress has no serious problems with its UDF partners. However, there is discontent in the party over the choice of candidates.
The CPI-M had its way in Ponnani, but its cosy relationship with Abdul Naser Mahdani's People's Democratic Party(PDP) has embittered the CPI and the Revolutionary Socialist Party. Mahdani was the star of the LDF show at Kuttipuram, which was inaugurated by CPI-M secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
The PDP leaders were not seen at the LDF conventions in the CPI constituencies.
The CPI-M has to contend with the threat posed by dissidents in the Onchiyam area of Vadakara, who have set up a parallel party unit. It has also to reckon with the influence of dissidents in the Shoranur area of Palakkad, who demonstrated their popular support in the municipal by-elections.
The Left co-ordination committee floated by the dissidents is fielding candidates in five constituencies, including Vadakara and Palakkad.
The Marxist Communist Party of India (United), another dissident outfit, is putting up two candidates.
The CPI-M apparently faces more threats from inside and outside its front than the Congress. However, it is doubtful if the Congress machinery is capable of taking full advantage of its rival's discomfiture.
Gulf Today
The two-front system that has dominated Kerala's electoral scene for more than two decades is facing severe challenges from inside and outside, casting a shadow on their future.
Although public attention is centred on the fronts, elections in the state are now multi-cornered. In the 2004 Lok Sabha poll, there was no constituency which had fewer than five candidates. Out of the 20 constituencies, 17 had six or more candidates each.
For long, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been striving to break through the solid phalanx put up by the rival alliances, the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Congress party and the Left Democratic Front (LDF) led by the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). So far, it has not been able to win even an assembly seat.
When the BJP-led coalition was in power at the Centre, the party got one of its state leaders, O. Rajagopal, into the Rajya Sabha from Madhya Pradesh and made him a minister.His promotion of the state's interests earned him a personal following but it was not enough to win a Lok Sabha seat.
The BJP contested 19 Lok Sabha seats last time and garnered 10.4% of the votes polled.
However, all candidates excepting Rajagopal and another forfeited their deposits. In the assembly elections of 2006 the party's vote share dropped to 4.8%.
The BJP is not the only national party looking for a breakthrough in the state.
Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was in the arena last time with 14 candidates. All forfeited their deposits. The party's vote share was less than 0.5%.
The BSP is in the field again in a big way, and Mayawati was in Thiruvananthapuram during the weekend to boost its candidates' prospects.
The party, which captured power in UP last year by reaching out beyond its traditional Dalit base, is planning to replicate that experiment in Kerala. It has fielded this time two experienced non-Dalit politicians, A. Neelalohithadasan Nadar (Thiruvanathapuram) and KK Nair (Pathanamthitta).
Neelalohithadasan, who began public life as a Congressman, shot into fame decades ago by defeating Communist Party of India (CPI) veteran MN Govindan Nair in Thiruvananthapuram by mobilising the support of his backward class Nadar community. A Janata Dal (S) minister in the last LDF regime, he had to quit the party and the government following allegations of sexual harassment.
KK Nair, who was first elected to the assembly from Pathanamthitta as an Independent, had kept a government led by K. Karunakaran in office when it was reduced to a minority. The price he extracted was the formation of Pathanamthitta district.
Since neither the LDF nor the UDF showed interest in an alliance with it, the Nationalist Congress Party NCP), which is a recognised national party, is in the field all by itself.
The party's state president, K. Muraleedharan, who repeatedly threatened to contest all the 20 seats, has now decided, in consultation with the national president, Sharad Pawar, to put up just four candidates.
Apart from these national parties, some local players are also in the picture. They include breakaway Left elements.
Both the fronts are in disarray. The LDF's problems are organisational. There is deep discontent among its constituents.
The Congress has no serious problems with its UDF partners. However, there is discontent in the party over the choice of candidates.
The CPI-M had its way in Ponnani, but its cosy relationship with Abdul Naser Mahdani's People's Democratic Party(PDP) has embittered the CPI and the Revolutionary Socialist Party. Mahdani was the star of the LDF show at Kuttipuram, which was inaugurated by CPI-M secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
The PDP leaders were not seen at the LDF conventions in the CPI constituencies.
The CPI-M has to contend with the threat posed by dissidents in the Onchiyam area of Vadakara, who have set up a parallel party unit. It has also to reckon with the influence of dissidents in the Shoranur area of Palakkad, who demonstrated their popular support in the municipal by-elections.
The Left co-ordination committee floated by the dissidents is fielding candidates in five constituencies, including Vadakara and Palakkad.
The Marxist Communist Party of India (United), another dissident outfit, is putting up two candidates.
The CPI-M apparently faces more threats from inside and outside its front than the Congress. However, it is doubtful if the Congress machinery is capable of taking full advantage of its rival's discomfiture.
Monday, January 5, 2009
Major parties in disarray as Lok Sabha poll approaches
BRP BHASKAR
The Congress, which heads the coalition government in New Delhi, and the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), which heads the government of Kerala, are troubled by internal dissensions as they prepare for the parliamentary elections.
All elections in the State are a trial of strength between the Left Democratic Front, led by the CPI-M, and the United Democratic Front, led by the Congress. In the Assembly elections, the voters put the two fronts in power by turns. The results of the parliamentary elections are not equally predictable.
Traditionally, the Congress-led front has an edge over the rival alliance in the Lok Sabha elections. However, in the elections of 2004, the LDF grabbed 18 of the state’s 20 seats, leaving one seat each to the UDF and the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance.
In the Lok Sabha, all LDF members supported the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government in pursuance of the Left parties’ decision to back it with a view to preventing the BJP’s return to power.
Last year the Left parties withdrew their support to the UPA as the government went ahead with the civilian nuclear agreement with the United States, brushing aside their objections.
The break with the UPA has saved the CPI-M from the embarrassment of having to approach voters in Kerala as an ally of the Congress, its traditional rival in state politics.
The outcome of the next Lok Sabha elections, expected to be held in April-May, is very important to both the Congress and the CPI-M.
The Congress, which drew a blank last time (the lone UDF seat was won by the Indian Union Muslim League), has to show that it is still a force to reckon with in the state.
The CPI-M needs a respectable tally from the state, one of its three strongholds, to realise its dream of forging a third alternative capable of keeping the Congress and the BJP out of power at the Centre.
The party faces a severe internal challenge as a result of the return of sectarianism, which appeared to have subsided after the state conference, held last year. The dissidents are few in number but have the potential to damage the party’s prospects, as evidenced by the results of the by-elections to the Shoranur municipal council.
When MR Murali, former municipal vice-chairman, was expelled from the party last year, he and eight other councillors resigned. They contested the by-elections that followed on the banner of Janakeeya Vikasana Samiti and trounced all but one of the CPI-M nominees.
When the Samiti members take their seats, the CPI-M, which it has controlled the Shoranur municipality for three decades, will lose power. So far the authorities have not set a date for their swearing-in.
Further north, at Onchiyam, another CPI-M stronghold, dissidents have come out of the party and floated an outfit named Marxist Party.
The rebels at both places are erstwhile supporters of Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan. The revolt can, therefore, be seen as a spill-over of the sectarianism. Their defiance indicates the willingness of lower-level functionaries to challenge the state leadership. This is something unheard of in the history of communist parties.
The Congress, too, is dogged by internal problems. Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy and State party president Ramesh Chennithala, the duo in command of the party, had a quiet time after K. Karunakaran and his son, K. Muraleedharan, walked out with their followers. After a brief spell as a regional outfit, they joined Union Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party.
Last year Karunakaran returned to the Congress fold while Muraleedharan, who is state NCP president, stayed back.
Karunakaran’s return did not change the equations in the state Congress. Nor did it lead to revival of factionalism. However, he is openly seeking the NCP’s induction into the UDF. Oommen Chandy and Ramesh Chennithala are resisting the demand.
Muraleedharan is threatening to contest all Lok Sabha seats if the UDF does not accommodate the NCP. The party may not be a winner, but it can be a spoiler.
In the prevailing circumstances, the CPI-M cannot hope to repeat the spectacular performance of 2004. It may be VS Achuthanandan, and not Pinarayi Vijayan, who has to pay the price for the party’s failure. The party can interpret the poor electoral performance as a sign of dissatisfaction with the government’s working.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, January 5, 2008.
The Congress, which heads the coalition government in New Delhi, and the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), which heads the government of Kerala, are troubled by internal dissensions as they prepare for the parliamentary elections.
All elections in the State are a trial of strength between the Left Democratic Front, led by the CPI-M, and the United Democratic Front, led by the Congress. In the Assembly elections, the voters put the two fronts in power by turns. The results of the parliamentary elections are not equally predictable.
Traditionally, the Congress-led front has an edge over the rival alliance in the Lok Sabha elections. However, in the elections of 2004, the LDF grabbed 18 of the state’s 20 seats, leaving one seat each to the UDF and the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance.
In the Lok Sabha, all LDF members supported the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government in pursuance of the Left parties’ decision to back it with a view to preventing the BJP’s return to power.
Last year the Left parties withdrew their support to the UPA as the government went ahead with the civilian nuclear agreement with the United States, brushing aside their objections.
The break with the UPA has saved the CPI-M from the embarrassment of having to approach voters in Kerala as an ally of the Congress, its traditional rival in state politics.
The outcome of the next Lok Sabha elections, expected to be held in April-May, is very important to both the Congress and the CPI-M.
The Congress, which drew a blank last time (the lone UDF seat was won by the Indian Union Muslim League), has to show that it is still a force to reckon with in the state.
The CPI-M needs a respectable tally from the state, one of its three strongholds, to realise its dream of forging a third alternative capable of keeping the Congress and the BJP out of power at the Centre.
The party faces a severe internal challenge as a result of the return of sectarianism, which appeared to have subsided after the state conference, held last year. The dissidents are few in number but have the potential to damage the party’s prospects, as evidenced by the results of the by-elections to the Shoranur municipal council.
When MR Murali, former municipal vice-chairman, was expelled from the party last year, he and eight other councillors resigned. They contested the by-elections that followed on the banner of Janakeeya Vikasana Samiti and trounced all but one of the CPI-M nominees.
When the Samiti members take their seats, the CPI-M, which it has controlled the Shoranur municipality for three decades, will lose power. So far the authorities have not set a date for their swearing-in.
Further north, at Onchiyam, another CPI-M stronghold, dissidents have come out of the party and floated an outfit named Marxist Party.
The rebels at both places are erstwhile supporters of Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan. The revolt can, therefore, be seen as a spill-over of the sectarianism. Their defiance indicates the willingness of lower-level functionaries to challenge the state leadership. This is something unheard of in the history of communist parties.
The Congress, too, is dogged by internal problems. Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy and State party president Ramesh Chennithala, the duo in command of the party, had a quiet time after K. Karunakaran and his son, K. Muraleedharan, walked out with their followers. After a brief spell as a regional outfit, they joined Union Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party.
Last year Karunakaran returned to the Congress fold while Muraleedharan, who is state NCP president, stayed back.
Karunakaran’s return did not change the equations in the state Congress. Nor did it lead to revival of factionalism. However, he is openly seeking the NCP’s induction into the UDF. Oommen Chandy and Ramesh Chennithala are resisting the demand.
Muraleedharan is threatening to contest all Lok Sabha seats if the UDF does not accommodate the NCP. The party may not be a winner, but it can be a spoiler.
In the prevailing circumstances, the CPI-M cannot hope to repeat the spectacular performance of 2004. It may be VS Achuthanandan, and not Pinarayi Vijayan, who has to pay the price for the party’s failure. The party can interpret the poor electoral performance as a sign of dissatisfaction with the government’s working.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, January 5, 2008.
Monday, August 4, 2008
Parties obfuscate facts as they try to score points
Facts are at a discount as the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Congress, which head the ruling Left Democratic Front and the opposition United Democratic Front respectively, go all out to score points with an eye to winning the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections.
The CPI (M) leaves no stone unturned as it seeks to live down the reputation of having supported the United Progressive Alliance government at the Centre, led by the Congress, for more than four years.
Last week the two parties were involved in a verbal war over food supplies. Allegations and counter-allegations flew thick and fast after the Centre cut allocation of rice to families above the poverty line (APL) in the State.
According to Food Minister C Divakaran, Kerala needs 175,000 metric tonnes (MT) of grains a month to give 35 kg to each of five million APL families. However, during the past four months, the Centre had provided only 17,000 MT. Now it has stopped all supplies until December.
Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan said the Centre’s decision amounted to pushing the people of the State into starvation. CPI-M State secretary Pinarayi Vijayan and CPI State secretary Veliyam Bhargavan characterised the Centre’s action as reprisal for the Left parties’ withdrawal of support to the UPA government.
Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy and Pradesh Congress President Ramesh Chennithala rose to the Centre’s defence. They said the Centre had suspended supplies as the State government had violated the terms of an agreement under which it was required to contribute 168,000 MT of grains to the Central pool.
Divakaran, who belongs to the CPI, said the Chief Minister and other ministers would stage a dharna (sit-in) in New Delhi if the Centre did not reverse the decision.
Achuthanandan did not go that far. He said he would lead a delegation to represent the State’s case before the Prime Minister. An agitation would be mounted in New Delhi if the Centre did not concede the State’s demand, he added.
Onam, the biggest festival on the Keralite’s calendar, falls next month. For several weeks, prices of food and other essential commodities have been rising. The spectre of food scarcity at this time is naturally a source of great worry.
At the root of the current controversy is a well-known paradox. The State has a public distribution system (PDS), which covers the entire population, but not everybody buys grains from the PDS outlets.
The PDS outlets supply grains at subsidised rates to those below the poverty line (BPL). While the BPL families draw their requirements from these outlets, the APL families generally buy from the open market.
The PDS outlets divert the unsold APL quota to rice mills and other commercial interests. This was what prompted the Centre to cut the quota.
Responding to the State government’s criticism of its action, the Centre clarified that there was no cause for anxiety as the State had sufficient grain stocks to manage until the next crop arrives.
The Hindu quoted an official of the State Civil Supplies Corporation Limited (Supplyco) as saying it had procured 170,000 MT of paddy from this year’s crop and converted 110,600 MT (68%) into rice. Out of this, 31,211 MT was transferred to the Central pool for distribution to APL families till June 20.
Thereafter, the official told the newspaper on condition of anonymity, the State government informed the Centre that it would not be making any further contributions to the Central pool as it proposed to distribute rice directly to the APL families.
The Supplyco official’s statement, which has not been refuted by the State government, suggests that the allegations of vindictiveness levelled against the Centre by the leaders of the CPI-M and the CPI are patently false. But the two parties have already unleashed a wave of protests by their youth wings.
In any case, the Centre has announced a special allocation of 10,000 MT of rice and 20,000 MT of wheat to the State for the Onam season.
The Rs. 18.4 billion package to boost paddy cultivation in Kuttanad in Alappuzha district was also caught in a needless controversy. When the Centre approved the package on July 24, it was stated that the State would be required to pay only Rs. 46.5 million towards its cost. A few days later, the Chief Minister alleged the Centre had gone back on the commitment. After Union Minister Vayalar Ravi refuted the charge, he conceded that he had erred.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, August 4,2008.
The CPI (M) leaves no stone unturned as it seeks to live down the reputation of having supported the United Progressive Alliance government at the Centre, led by the Congress, for more than four years.
Last week the two parties were involved in a verbal war over food supplies. Allegations and counter-allegations flew thick and fast after the Centre cut allocation of rice to families above the poverty line (APL) in the State.
According to Food Minister C Divakaran, Kerala needs 175,000 metric tonnes (MT) of grains a month to give 35 kg to each of five million APL families. However, during the past four months, the Centre had provided only 17,000 MT. Now it has stopped all supplies until December.
Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan said the Centre’s decision amounted to pushing the people of the State into starvation. CPI-M State secretary Pinarayi Vijayan and CPI State secretary Veliyam Bhargavan characterised the Centre’s action as reprisal for the Left parties’ withdrawal of support to the UPA government.
Leader of the Opposition Oommen Chandy and Pradesh Congress President Ramesh Chennithala rose to the Centre’s defence. They said the Centre had suspended supplies as the State government had violated the terms of an agreement under which it was required to contribute 168,000 MT of grains to the Central pool.
Divakaran, who belongs to the CPI, said the Chief Minister and other ministers would stage a dharna (sit-in) in New Delhi if the Centre did not reverse the decision.
Achuthanandan did not go that far. He said he would lead a delegation to represent the State’s case before the Prime Minister. An agitation would be mounted in New Delhi if the Centre did not concede the State’s demand, he added.
Onam, the biggest festival on the Keralite’s calendar, falls next month. For several weeks, prices of food and other essential commodities have been rising. The spectre of food scarcity at this time is naturally a source of great worry.
At the root of the current controversy is a well-known paradox. The State has a public distribution system (PDS), which covers the entire population, but not everybody buys grains from the PDS outlets.
The PDS outlets supply grains at subsidised rates to those below the poverty line (BPL). While the BPL families draw their requirements from these outlets, the APL families generally buy from the open market.
The PDS outlets divert the unsold APL quota to rice mills and other commercial interests. This was what prompted the Centre to cut the quota.
Responding to the State government’s criticism of its action, the Centre clarified that there was no cause for anxiety as the State had sufficient grain stocks to manage until the next crop arrives.
The Hindu quoted an official of the State Civil Supplies Corporation Limited (Supplyco) as saying it had procured 170,000 MT of paddy from this year’s crop and converted 110,600 MT (68%) into rice. Out of this, 31,211 MT was transferred to the Central pool for distribution to APL families till June 20.
Thereafter, the official told the newspaper on condition of anonymity, the State government informed the Centre that it would not be making any further contributions to the Central pool as it proposed to distribute rice directly to the APL families.
The Supplyco official’s statement, which has not been refuted by the State government, suggests that the allegations of vindictiveness levelled against the Centre by the leaders of the CPI-M and the CPI are patently false. But the two parties have already unleashed a wave of protests by their youth wings.
In any case, the Centre has announced a special allocation of 10,000 MT of rice and 20,000 MT of wheat to the State for the Onam season.
The Rs. 18.4 billion package to boost paddy cultivation in Kuttanad in Alappuzha district was also caught in a needless controversy. When the Centre approved the package on July 24, it was stated that the State would be required to pay only Rs. 46.5 million towards its cost. A few days later, the Chief Minister alleged the Centre had gone back on the commitment. After Union Minister Vayalar Ravi refuted the charge, he conceded that he had erred.--Gulf Today, Sharjah, August 4,2008.
Friday, July 18, 2008
Can Kerala become a civilized society which resolves its problems peacefully?
Political parties organizing agitations as the election approaches and creating the necessary provocation if they believe clashes will do them good are not unusual. However, the events of the last few weeks of conflict cannot be dismissed in that vein. There were several events which raised questions like whether we are a civilized society and whether we still have the ability to find solutions to problems in a peaceful, constitutional manner. Among them are the violent incidents that occurred during the agitations conducted by political parties using student and youth affiliates and the response of the government to them. The arrogance involved in the declarations of panchayats, managements and teachers’ organizations that they would not teach textbooks prescribed by the government and the childishness in the student movement’s statement that in that event of their not teaching the book they would are equally deplorable. But when the big brother sitting in the State Assembly takes foreign policy in his hands how can the little brother sitting in the panchayat be blamed for taking the education policy in his hands? The toad wants to fly over the hill and the frog wants to fly over the mountain.
The accepted Kerala style is to solve problems at someone else’s expense. The newest example is the decision to revise bus fares. The Electricity Board’s rate revision plan is cooking in the kitchen. It is the people who taxes, direct or indirect, who have to bear the burden. Corruption and inefficiency are the main reasons why public sector institutions, controlled by public servants or officials, are in the red.
This year the Finance Minister donated Rs. 700 crores to the Kerala State Road Transport Corporation, which has been incurring losses for years. The government certainly has a duty to help a public sector organization in distress. But he should not be like Santa Claus who comes dressed up year after year to distribute gifts to children. A good administrator, while employing tax-payer’s money to rescue an institution, has to ensure that it spends the money well and improves its performance. Otherwise he will have to keep putting money in again and again.
It was in the name of fuel price rise that the government sanctioned an increase in bus fares last week. The decision has invited criticism from many quarters. It has been pointed out that while Kerala revised the rates more than once in the last seven years on this ground there was not even one revision in Tamil Nadu, and that at present the rates her are twice as much as in the neighbouring State. In comparing the State transport system with Tamil Nadu’s we cannot overlook the fact that both per capita income and wage levels in Kerala are higher. At the same time, we ignore the possibility of the KSRTC losing passengers to the railways as the bus fare is now twice as much as the rail fare. Tamil Nadu has a decentralized transport system. All transport corporations except the one operating in Chennai city have been making profits for years. If their working is studied, it may be possible to find ways to save the KSRTC.
In the first year of the present government, the Cooperation Minister arranged crores of rupees to save the writers’ cooperative, Sahitya Pravarthaka Sahakarana Sangham. The latest information is that its financial situation continues to be bad. It would have been a wonder if it were otherwise. Why should the people who run an institution bother to improve its performance if there is some to write out cheques from time to time to bail them out? It is the belief that the public is an ass that gives the rulers the courage to spend public money as they like. So long as this belief is not corrected, more burdens will keep falling on the public. After all, it is the ass’s duty to carry burden.
For some years, whichever front is in power, the Electricity Minister has been going to New Delhi regularly to seek more time for reorganization of the Electricity Board. AK Balan is no different. Recently he sought and got a few more months’ time from the Union Energy Minister. A law enacted by Parliament requires all States to reorganize the Electricity Board. The time fixed to complete the process is over. Just as the Walancherry panchayat has the responsibility to follow the curriculum adopted by the State government the Kerala government has the responsibility to ensure that the Electricity Board functions according top the scheme laid down in the Central law. The former United Democratic Front could not discharge that responsibility. The present Left Democratic Front is also not able to do it.
In the Board there are forces that can frighten any minister. So the reorganization is not taking place. The minister does not also have the courage to tell the Centre that he is not able to do what is needed and get himself freed from the responsibility to reorganize the Board. This is not the problem of the Electricity Minister alone. When one looks at the working of the police, it is difficult to say the minister is running the department or the department is running the minister. It has been said that a people get the kind of government they deserve. Is it that the Malayalis deserve a government that shivers in front of seen and unseen powers?
Many problems that Kerala faces today evade solution because the government lacks the strength to face them truthfully. “Truthfully” needs to be underlined. Official centres themselves have admitted the presence of mafia gangs in different fields. The authorities fail to prevent the activities of not only powerful vested interests but also those involved in small crimes. Since there is no fear of getting caught or being punished, crimes increase.
In this disgusting scenario, it is comforting that there are indications that we have not completely lost our ability to become a civilized society. Fining for throwing garbage out, cancellation of permit of vehicle involved in an accident and prosecution for damaging a bus during a demonstration are not a big deal. Yet such news conveys the message that the authorities are ready to apprehend wrongdoers and bring them to book.
The most hopeful news is the interim recommendation of the KN Panicker Committee to make some changes in the controversial Social Science textbook. Those agitating against the book did not have faith in the committee. In fact, the UDF has set up a parallel committee. Many, including not only LDF supporters but also two UDF constituents, had rejected the allegation that the book was anti-religion. This writer had pointed out that though there is no substance in the allegations the standard of the book is of low. The committee’s proposal to rewrite parts of the book provides an opportunity to raise the standard.
The controversial book was prepared as part of a comprehensive programme for revision of textbook. Its low standard shows that those who were entrusted with the task had failed in their duty. In the circumstances, it will be appropriate to examine all textbooks prepared as part of the programme and ensure that they are of good quality. If the government is not ready to do this, there will be room to suspect that the committee’s recommendation is aimed at appeasing a religious group which has been alienated by the book and drawing it close to the LDF in the name of the nuclear deal.
Based on column “Nerkkazhcha” appearing in Kerala Kaumudi dated July 17, 2008
The accepted Kerala style is to solve problems at someone else’s expense. The newest example is the decision to revise bus fares. The Electricity Board’s rate revision plan is cooking in the kitchen. It is the people who taxes, direct or indirect, who have to bear the burden. Corruption and inefficiency are the main reasons why public sector institutions, controlled by public servants or officials, are in the red.
This year the Finance Minister donated Rs. 700 crores to the Kerala State Road Transport Corporation, which has been incurring losses for years. The government certainly has a duty to help a public sector organization in distress. But he should not be like Santa Claus who comes dressed up year after year to distribute gifts to children. A good administrator, while employing tax-payer’s money to rescue an institution, has to ensure that it spends the money well and improves its performance. Otherwise he will have to keep putting money in again and again.
It was in the name of fuel price rise that the government sanctioned an increase in bus fares last week. The decision has invited criticism from many quarters. It has been pointed out that while Kerala revised the rates more than once in the last seven years on this ground there was not even one revision in Tamil Nadu, and that at present the rates her are twice as much as in the neighbouring State. In comparing the State transport system with Tamil Nadu’s we cannot overlook the fact that both per capita income and wage levels in Kerala are higher. At the same time, we ignore the possibility of the KSRTC losing passengers to the railways as the bus fare is now twice as much as the rail fare. Tamil Nadu has a decentralized transport system. All transport corporations except the one operating in Chennai city have been making profits for years. If their working is studied, it may be possible to find ways to save the KSRTC.
In the first year of the present government, the Cooperation Minister arranged crores of rupees to save the writers’ cooperative, Sahitya Pravarthaka Sahakarana Sangham. The latest information is that its financial situation continues to be bad. It would have been a wonder if it were otherwise. Why should the people who run an institution bother to improve its performance if there is some to write out cheques from time to time to bail them out? It is the belief that the public is an ass that gives the rulers the courage to spend public money as they like. So long as this belief is not corrected, more burdens will keep falling on the public. After all, it is the ass’s duty to carry burden.
For some years, whichever front is in power, the Electricity Minister has been going to New Delhi regularly to seek more time for reorganization of the Electricity Board. AK Balan is no different. Recently he sought and got a few more months’ time from the Union Energy Minister. A law enacted by Parliament requires all States to reorganize the Electricity Board. The time fixed to complete the process is over. Just as the Walancherry panchayat has the responsibility to follow the curriculum adopted by the State government the Kerala government has the responsibility to ensure that the Electricity Board functions according top the scheme laid down in the Central law. The former United Democratic Front could not discharge that responsibility. The present Left Democratic Front is also not able to do it.
In the Board there are forces that can frighten any minister. So the reorganization is not taking place. The minister does not also have the courage to tell the Centre that he is not able to do what is needed and get himself freed from the responsibility to reorganize the Board. This is not the problem of the Electricity Minister alone. When one looks at the working of the police, it is difficult to say the minister is running the department or the department is running the minister. It has been said that a people get the kind of government they deserve. Is it that the Malayalis deserve a government that shivers in front of seen and unseen powers?
Many problems that Kerala faces today evade solution because the government lacks the strength to face them truthfully. “Truthfully” needs to be underlined. Official centres themselves have admitted the presence of mafia gangs in different fields. The authorities fail to prevent the activities of not only powerful vested interests but also those involved in small crimes. Since there is no fear of getting caught or being punished, crimes increase.
In this disgusting scenario, it is comforting that there are indications that we have not completely lost our ability to become a civilized society. Fining for throwing garbage out, cancellation of permit of vehicle involved in an accident and prosecution for damaging a bus during a demonstration are not a big deal. Yet such news conveys the message that the authorities are ready to apprehend wrongdoers and bring them to book.
The most hopeful news is the interim recommendation of the KN Panicker Committee to make some changes in the controversial Social Science textbook. Those agitating against the book did not have faith in the committee. In fact, the UDF has set up a parallel committee. Many, including not only LDF supporters but also two UDF constituents, had rejected the allegation that the book was anti-religion. This writer had pointed out that though there is no substance in the allegations the standard of the book is of low. The committee’s proposal to rewrite parts of the book provides an opportunity to raise the standard.
The controversial book was prepared as part of a comprehensive programme for revision of textbook. Its low standard shows that those who were entrusted with the task had failed in their duty. In the circumstances, it will be appropriate to examine all textbooks prepared as part of the programme and ensure that they are of good quality. If the government is not ready to do this, there will be room to suspect that the committee’s recommendation is aimed at appeasing a religious group which has been alienated by the book and drawing it close to the LDF in the name of the nuclear deal.
Based on column “Nerkkazhcha” appearing in Kerala Kaumudi dated July 17, 2008
Thursday, February 14, 2008
Why this hartal?
The United Democratic Front must give up the hartal it has called for February 19. Whatever the opposition front hopes to gain from it can be achieved without it.
It was on January 31 that the UDF high-power committee decoded on the hartal. Obviously its intention was not to give expression to emotions swelling up in the people’s minds on any particular issue. If it were, the committee would not have picked a day nearly three weeks hence for the hartal.
Only five days are left for the appointed day. Leaders may wonder how they can abandon the hartal at this late stage, disappointing the front workers who have toiled all these days to make it a success. Here they must demonstrate a sense of realism. What they can gain by giving up the hartal is much more than what they can gain by going ahead with it.
According to UDF Convener P. P. Thankachan, the hartal has been called to focus attention on the Left Democratic Front government’s failure on five issues. They are: price rise; stoppage of rice subsidy for those above and below the price line and abandonment of the health insurance scheme; delay in implementing the Centre’s old-age pension scheme; failure to help Supplyco to intervene effectively in the market; and faltering in implementation of the five-year plan.
Gandhiji, who conceived hartal as a mode of protest, showed an uncanny ability to pick subjects for agitation. But one cannot but say that what reflects in the decision of the Congress-led front is poverty of ideas. Faltering in plan implementation and failure to take advantage of Central schemes are certainly matters that deserve serious notice. But they are so common that they do not have the ability to attract and retain the people’s attention.
The only issue raised by the UDF which the people can easily identify as one that affects them directly is price rise. Immediately after it announced the hartal, the LDF and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) issued statements deploring it. Both argued that price rise is the result of the policies pursued by the Centre and therefore it is against the Centre, and not against the State government, that it should agitate. This is utter nonsense. The State government alone bears responsibility for imposing additional burden on the people on several items like milk price and electricity rates.
Last week the CPI (M) blocked roads in Tamil Nadu in protest against price rise. Whether you block roads in Chennai or stage a hartal in Kerala, it is the people who suffer, not the Central government or the State government.
The UDF says Supplyco has not been able to check price rise because of the Finance department’s failure to provide funds in time. Finance Minister Thomas Isaac has imposed much hardship on the people and provided equal relief to the likes of fake lottery operators. But it is unfair to lay the blame for the price rise entirely on him.
If the UDF, which comes to power at intervals of five years, does not know that the State government’s ability to hold the price line by offering subsidies is limited, who does? The LDF government has done what it can. It is another matter that its efforts have not yielded sufficient results. Reduction of subsidies is the approved policy of the Congress-led government at the Centre. The LDF cannot, therefore, be blamed for lowering the subsidy. But the Kerala government was providing rice subsidy in the name of the poor and passing on the benefit to rice mill owners. Both the fronts have been parties to this fraud. If the State government had implemented the subsidy scheme truthfully and the Centre was convinced of it, the State probably would not have encountered the difficulty that it now experiences in obtaining timely help in exigent circumstances.
The State Assembly’s budget session begins next Wednesday. The debates on the Governor’s address and the demands for grants will provide members the opportunity to raise any issue of interest to them. Is it then necessary to have a hartal on Tuesday to draw people’s attention to any particular issue?
From demonstrations by village committees to a day’s fast by the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee president, the Congress has already organized many agitations to highlight the LDF government’s failures. They provided ample opportunity to demonstrate the feelings of the Congress party and the other constituents of the UDF. There is only one thing that the hartal can do beyond what these agitations have done: cause hardship to the people. The UDF must consider whether it should do that. More particularly, the Congress.
This request is addressed especially to the Congress because it is the largest democratic party of the country and of Kerala too. Unlike most other parties, it not only participates in the democratic process but sincerely believes in the present democratic dispensation. Although there are many things in its history that do not accord with democracy, like the Emergency and the dismissal of the Communist government that came to power through the ballot box, the credit for the continuance of the democratic dispensation also belongs to it.
Hartal is a mode of agitation that has lost its relevance due to excessive use. What it demonstrates today is not the people’s feelings but the parties’ ability to frighten them. Civil society in Kerala has been demanding for some time that this political obscenity must be ended. The Congress, which has an obligation to uphold democratic values, must respect public opinion and, instead of staging hartal on February 19, organize programmes that do not cause hardship to the people. The Muslim League’s decision to organize padayatras on a day as a token of protest is a good example. If the Congress takes the initiative, the other UDF constituents may not insist on going ahead with the hartal.
Based on column “Nerkkazhcha” appearing in Kerala Kaumudi edition dated February 14, 2008
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