The Government of Kerala is expecting the United Arab Emirates to invest in some big projects, which it conceived several years ago but has not been able to take up so far for want of investors.
After a two-hour meeting with a UAE business delegation at Thiruvananthapuram last week, Industries Minister Elamaram Kareem said the State government had placed before it four investment proposals. These envisaged a petrochemical complex near the revamped Azhikal port in Kannur district, a power project, based either on coal or gas, in Kasargode district, a road development project and a state-of-the-art financial centre in Kochi.
These projects were among those that the Industries department has been hawking around since the time of the last Left Democratic Front government.
They formed part of a basket of projects presented by the LDF government before a group of foreign investors at Chennai. Early in 2003 the United Democratic Front government placed them before the Global Investors Meet at Kochi.
Last May Elamaram Kareem visited the UAE and held discussions with Minister of State for Finance and Industry Dr Muhammed K Khirbash and officials of Abu Dhabi Investment Authority to explore the possibilities of attracting investments to the State. At that time the UAE side showed interest in petrochemicals and power projects. The Emirates Investment Board indicated it was ready also to examine commercial and tourism ventures.
The current discussions between the UAE and the Kerala government are taking place against the backdrop of efforts by the national governments to strengthen bilateral relations.
On March, UAE Prime Minister and Vice President Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum had visited New Delhi for talks on boosting economic and political ties. Sheikh Maktoum, who was accompanied by seven ministers and a high-level business delegation, held discussions with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, United Progressive Alliance chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Leader of Opposition LK Advani.
Two months later Commerce and Industry Minister Kamal Nath and UAE Minister of Economy Shaikha Lubna Al Qasimi discussed measures to provide new thrust to economic co-operation between India and the Gulf region as a whole.
The UAE accounts for three-fourths of India's exports to the Gulf Co-operation Council states.
Later a GCC-India industrial conference was held at Mumbai. This was followed by the first meeting of the India-UAE Trade Policy Forum.
The UAE delegation, which came to Kerala for talks, was led by Younis Al Khoori, Secretary, Ministry of Finance and Industry, and included Jamal Nasser Lootah, Secretary, Industrial sector, in the Ministry of Finance, Saeed Al Roken, acting Director, Industrial Development, and NRI businessman MA Yousaf Ali.
Yousaf Ali is credited with having mooted the idea of an information technology project in Kerala with UAE participation. It was this idea that eventually crystallized into the Smart City project, of which the Dubai Internet City is the chief promoter.
The Vallarpadam container terminal project is another major project in the State with UAE participation. The Dubai Port Authority is the major partner of the project.
Petrochemicals and gas-based power projects are areas which have a natural appeal for the UAE. However, the State Industries department has with it only project outlines, which are too sketchy to go by. After undertaking feasibility studies, the two sides hope to sign a memorandum of understanding early next year.
The UAE, which is endowed with capital for investment, has built up over the past three decades a strong tradition of professional management of institutions. UAE entrepreneurs have good experience of Kerala's human resources. The two sides can combine their strengths and put them to good use for mutual benefit.
A depressing aspect of Kerala's efforts to attract investments is the inability of the leadership to draw up sound proposals based on a proper appreciation of the State's strengths and weaknesses. Some of the projects being canvassed are clearly not suited to the State, which is facing severe environmental problems.
Fifty years ago Kerala offered enormous concessions to the Birlas to persuade it to set up a factory in the State. The factory provided employment for a few thousand people but in course of time the people realized that it was exacting too high a price by way of air and water pollution and forced it to close down. The authorities do not seem to have learnt a lesson from this experience. –Gulf Today, Sharjah, December 17, 2007.
Monday, December 17, 2007
Sunday, December 16, 2007
Dr. Gangan Prathap, new Vice Chancellor of CUSAT
Dr. Gangan Prathap, who has been named Vice-Chancellor of the Cochin University of Science and Technology (CUSAT), is a distinguished scientist. A product of the Indian Institute of Technology, Chennai, he was associated for many years with the National Aeronautical Laboratory, Bangalore, which comes under the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research. Since the last seven years he has been head of the Centre for Mathematical Modelling and Computer Simulation at Bangalore, which is also a unit of the CSIR.The following material is drawn from an article in Madhyamam’s Weekend edition, in which M.P. Shyamkumar profiles Dr. Gangan Prathap.
Dr. Gangan Prathap has been with us for several years with weather observation and aircraft modelling. One may wonder what is there in common between weather observation and aircraft modelling. The two are closely linked. If it is the wings that control the aircraft it is mountains and sees that control the weather. The calculations behind both are the same.
The list of honours that came to Dr. Gangan Prathap as he went ahead with observations and experiments in the past 29 years is long. Among them is the Bhatnagar Award given to distinguished young scientists.
Dr. Gangan Prathap was the first Malayalee to get the Bhatnagar award. Dr. Ajay Ghosh, another Malayalee, received this recently.
He has published more than 300 research papers. He is a member of the editorial board of several scientific and research publications.
He was a topper from high school level to the highest level of technical education. He passed out of the Raffles School in Singapore with the first rank. He passed the Pre-University examination from the Madras Christian College, also with first rank. He stood first in the all-India engineering entrance examination the same year. He passed out from IIT with B. Tech degree in 1974, again standing first. He then went on to take a Ph. D. degree.
He is the first Malayalee to have stood first in the IIT entrance examination.
Dr. Gangan Prathap’s family had migrated from Mayyanad, Kerala, to Singapore. His father, Narayanan Gangan, who worked for the Royal Navy, was a lover of books. Prathap learnt of the world from the books in his father’s library. Books led him to the world of science.
Friday, December 14, 2007
Celebrating a debt trap
The Left Democratic Front government can claim credit for discovering something new to celebrate. The nationalized banks discovered that distribution of loans is a good occasion to organize a mela. This government discovered that distribution of arrears is also good for the purpose. A minister of the government has been running around organizing arrears distribution melas.
Arrears form part of the experience of those who do contract jobs from the government of Kerala. The long wait does not end even when they get the arrears cheque. To present the cheque for collection, they have to wait until there is money in the treasury. When they finally get the money, no one even knows about it. The Minister for Cooperation has given up the worn-out practice and made payment of arrears an occasion to celebrate. What he distributes at the melas is not the Cooperative Department’s arrears, but the arrears of one of several thousand cooperative societies in the State. Even the money he distributes is not the department’s. It comes from the cooperative banks. How does it come into his hands? Thereby hangs a tale.
Some 60 years some 12 writers, including luminaries like M. P. Paul, Thakazhi Sivasankara Pillai and P. Kesava Dev, set upthe Sahitya Pravarthaka Sahakarana Sangham, a cooperative, to save writers from exploitation by publishers. In a short while it grew into the biggest publishing house in Malayalam. It attracted attention in the country and abroad as the organization that pays writers the highest royalty.
When the society succeeded, there began a struggle for its leadership. Politicians also set their eyes on it. Literary workers like Kodiyeri Balakrishnan came forward to cooperate. Under Poochali rule (the term is derived from the name of a party nominee who ruled it at one time), the society went deep into debt. The last LDF government allotted Rs. 10 million of taxpayers’ money to rescue it.
It could not be rescued. By the time the LDF returned to power after five years in exile, it became necessary to do something again to rescue it. Since the government is left with virtually nothing after paying staff salaries and pensions, the new Minister of Cooperation had to look elsewhere for money. He did not have to look too far. There was money in the cooperative sector and the cooperative banks were ready to do his bidding.
The writers’ cooperative in a mess because of mismanagement. Those who reached its helm published worthless books which remained in the storehouses for want of buyers. Its income was not sufficient even to pay the wages of the army of employees whom they recruited. The society, which was paying writers royalty of 30 to 40 per cent, when publishers worldwide paid only 10 to 15 per cent, was obliged to cut it to five per cent or even less. It could not pay even that in time. It is the arrears that accumulated in this manner that the minister is trying to clear with the banks’ money.
The minister has asked each cooperative bank to start a library. The society will give them books against the money they are now advancing. The minister’s scheme thrilled the writers. Many of them went to the melas to receive arrears from his highness. The minister went to the houses of some writers who did not care to attend the melas and personally handed over the arrears cheque. It is not clear who is footing the mela bills and paying for the minister’s travels. Whether it is the government or the banks, it is wasteful spending. If the cheque is put in an envelope, a postage stamp worth Rs. 5 is all that is needed to have it delivered to the writer.
The writers’ cooperative was set up to end exploitation of writers. The minister who has come to its rescue is an accomplice to their exploitation. Some writers have said they have been asked to return half of the arrears amount paid to them by way of donation.
The taxpayer has no obligation to rescue a cooperative society which was ruined by politicians. Yet the previous LDF government’s grant to it may be justified as an effort to save an institution that has rendered yeomen service to literature. However, its motive becomes suspect in the light of its failure to take any steps to put an end to maladministration. When the government gave the society Rs 10 million, its debt stood at Rs. 20 million but it had assets worth about Rs. 100 million. Its condition is worse now. Obviously mismanagement continues.
There is reason to doubt if the new scheme will succeed. A library attached to a bank is a good idea. But how many cooperative banks have the space and other facilities needed to run a library efficiently? When 12,000 libraries which enriched Kerala’s cultural life in the past are languishing for want of readers, what is the basis for assuming that the banks’ libraries will succeed? Books which were lying in the society’s storehouses for want of buyers will now be seen lying in the banks’ storehouses, christened as libraries, for want of readers.
The writers’ cooperative in a sorry state because its control has passed from writers to vested political interests. So long as their misrule continues, no amount of money from whatever quarter can save the society. Many new publishing houses have come up in the State recently. Some of them have developed new strategies and registered some success. But writers are facing exploitation as they did six decades ago. The minister’s scheme makes the society a partner in their exploitation. It will not save the society. It may endanger the banks. What the writers’ cooperative needs is not the patronage of the minister but the support of readers.
Based on Nerkkazhcha column which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi dated December 13, 2007
Arrears form part of the experience of those who do contract jobs from the government of Kerala. The long wait does not end even when they get the arrears cheque. To present the cheque for collection, they have to wait until there is money in the treasury. When they finally get the money, no one even knows about it. The Minister for Cooperation has given up the worn-out practice and made payment of arrears an occasion to celebrate. What he distributes at the melas is not the Cooperative Department’s arrears, but the arrears of one of several thousand cooperative societies in the State. Even the money he distributes is not the department’s. It comes from the cooperative banks. How does it come into his hands? Thereby hangs a tale.
Some 60 years some 12 writers, including luminaries like M. P. Paul, Thakazhi Sivasankara Pillai and P. Kesava Dev, set upthe Sahitya Pravarthaka Sahakarana Sangham, a cooperative, to save writers from exploitation by publishers. In a short while it grew into the biggest publishing house in Malayalam. It attracted attention in the country and abroad as the organization that pays writers the highest royalty.
When the society succeeded, there began a struggle for its leadership. Politicians also set their eyes on it. Literary workers like Kodiyeri Balakrishnan came forward to cooperate. Under Poochali rule (the term is derived from the name of a party nominee who ruled it at one time), the society went deep into debt. The last LDF government allotted Rs. 10 million of taxpayers’ money to rescue it.
It could not be rescued. By the time the LDF returned to power after five years in exile, it became necessary to do something again to rescue it. Since the government is left with virtually nothing after paying staff salaries and pensions, the new Minister of Cooperation had to look elsewhere for money. He did not have to look too far. There was money in the cooperative sector and the cooperative banks were ready to do his bidding.
The writers’ cooperative in a mess because of mismanagement. Those who reached its helm published worthless books which remained in the storehouses for want of buyers. Its income was not sufficient even to pay the wages of the army of employees whom they recruited. The society, which was paying writers royalty of 30 to 40 per cent, when publishers worldwide paid only 10 to 15 per cent, was obliged to cut it to five per cent or even less. It could not pay even that in time. It is the arrears that accumulated in this manner that the minister is trying to clear with the banks’ money.
The minister has asked each cooperative bank to start a library. The society will give them books against the money they are now advancing. The minister’s scheme thrilled the writers. Many of them went to the melas to receive arrears from his highness. The minister went to the houses of some writers who did not care to attend the melas and personally handed over the arrears cheque. It is not clear who is footing the mela bills and paying for the minister’s travels. Whether it is the government or the banks, it is wasteful spending. If the cheque is put in an envelope, a postage stamp worth Rs. 5 is all that is needed to have it delivered to the writer.
The writers’ cooperative was set up to end exploitation of writers. The minister who has come to its rescue is an accomplice to their exploitation. Some writers have said they have been asked to return half of the arrears amount paid to them by way of donation.
The taxpayer has no obligation to rescue a cooperative society which was ruined by politicians. Yet the previous LDF government’s grant to it may be justified as an effort to save an institution that has rendered yeomen service to literature. However, its motive becomes suspect in the light of its failure to take any steps to put an end to maladministration. When the government gave the society Rs 10 million, its debt stood at Rs. 20 million but it had assets worth about Rs. 100 million. Its condition is worse now. Obviously mismanagement continues.
There is reason to doubt if the new scheme will succeed. A library attached to a bank is a good idea. But how many cooperative banks have the space and other facilities needed to run a library efficiently? When 12,000 libraries which enriched Kerala’s cultural life in the past are languishing for want of readers, what is the basis for assuming that the banks’ libraries will succeed? Books which were lying in the society’s storehouses for want of buyers will now be seen lying in the banks’ storehouses, christened as libraries, for want of readers.
The writers’ cooperative in a sorry state because its control has passed from writers to vested political interests. So long as their misrule continues, no amount of money from whatever quarter can save the society. Many new publishing houses have come up in the State recently. Some of them have developed new strategies and registered some success. But writers are facing exploitation as they did six decades ago. The minister’s scheme makes the society a partner in their exploitation. It will not save the society. It may endanger the banks. What the writers’ cooperative needs is not the patronage of the minister but the support of readers.
Based on Nerkkazhcha column which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi dated December 13, 2007
Monday, December 10, 2007
Medics suspend stir in response to court orders
RESPONDING to a call by the High Court, state government doctors, who launched a 'non-co-operation movement' on Oct.1, suspended the agitation and resumed normal work on Friday.
The court gave the state government four weeks' time to consider the doctors' demand for wage revision.
Within 24 hours, the government began conciliation efforts.
After a meeting with Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan and Health Minister PK Sreemathy on Saturday, representatives of the Kerala Government Medical Officers Association (KGMOA) exuded optimism about a satisfactory settlement.
Doctors had received a raw deal from the last Pay Commission, whose recommendations were implemented in 2004. They were peeved that after the pay revision they found themselves below other government employees, such as college lecturers, who were earlier on a par with them if not below them. Apparently the Pay Commission and the government did not take the doctors' dissatisfaction over salary scales seriously since they have the opportunity to supplement their income through private practice.
It is believed that many government doctors probably make much more through private practice than they earn by way of salary. However, according to the Indian Medical Association, a study conducted three years ago had shown that only about 20% of government doctors did private practice.
At one time, a government job was the first option of every medical graduate. Often he had to wait for up to three years after graduation to enter government service. As private hospitals that sprang up all over the State and they started offering higher emoluments, the government job became less appealing. The revised starting salary of a doctor in government service is only Rs11,500. Some private hospitals pay up to Rs25,000 to new entrants. This is the salary the KGMOA wants at entry point.
When the KGMOA asked that the injustice done to the doctors by the Pay Commission be remedied, the government took the line that while minor anomalies could be corrected, there could be no general revision of scales until the next Pay Commission was appointed.
Dissatisfied with the government's attitude, the KGMOA took to the path of agitation. Instead of calling for strike, it asked the doctors to 'work to rule.' This meant that they would only attend to normal duties and would not be available for other work entrusted to them. They shunned VIP duty and even refused to do Sabarimala duty.
An estimated 15 million pilgrims from all over the South visit the hill shrine at Sabarimala during the season. The government said it would make alternative arrangements for the pilgrims. However, most of the doctors who were drafted for Sabarimala duty failed to turn up.
The work-to-rule agitation paralysed the State's health care system, which is short-staffed.
As against a sanctioned strength of about 3,000 doctors, there are only 1,875 on the rolls of government hospitals at present. Out of them, 440 are due to retire by March 2008.
Earlier this year the State Public Service Commission offered jobs to 930 medical graduates.
Only 90 of them joined the service and 50 of them resigned later.
The government placed some doctors under suspension and threatened disciplinary action against other agitators. Doctors, on their part, threatened to resign en bloc. To reinforce the threat, many of them handed over resignation letters to the KGMOA.
The matter came up before the High Court in the form of a writ petition. The petitioner wanted the court to invoke the Essential Supplies Maintenance Act and declare the doctors' agitation illegal. While voicing disapproval of the agitation, the bench headed by Chief Justice HKL Dattu showed evident sympathy for the doctors' cause.
The KGMOA claims that the Health Minister is convinced of the justness of the doctors' demand but the Finance department stands in the way. In talks held in the early days of the agitation, the government had offered to pay the doctors some allowances in order to put more money in their hands. The KGMOA rejected the offer since in the absence of revision of basic pay the doctors would be at a disadvantage at the time of the next wage revision too.
A formula now being discussed envisages treatment of the additional emoluments as special pay, instead of allowances. Unfortunately, the only issue figuring in the current discussions is that of providing adequate compensation to government doctors. Neither the government nor the KGMOA is addressing the larger question of rescuing the State health care system from collapse. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, December 10, 2007.
The court gave the state government four weeks' time to consider the doctors' demand for wage revision.
Within 24 hours, the government began conciliation efforts.
After a meeting with Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan and Health Minister PK Sreemathy on Saturday, representatives of the Kerala Government Medical Officers Association (KGMOA) exuded optimism about a satisfactory settlement.
Doctors had received a raw deal from the last Pay Commission, whose recommendations were implemented in 2004. They were peeved that after the pay revision they found themselves below other government employees, such as college lecturers, who were earlier on a par with them if not below them. Apparently the Pay Commission and the government did not take the doctors' dissatisfaction over salary scales seriously since they have the opportunity to supplement their income through private practice.
It is believed that many government doctors probably make much more through private practice than they earn by way of salary. However, according to the Indian Medical Association, a study conducted three years ago had shown that only about 20% of government doctors did private practice.
At one time, a government job was the first option of every medical graduate. Often he had to wait for up to three years after graduation to enter government service. As private hospitals that sprang up all over the State and they started offering higher emoluments, the government job became less appealing. The revised starting salary of a doctor in government service is only Rs11,500. Some private hospitals pay up to Rs25,000 to new entrants. This is the salary the KGMOA wants at entry point.
When the KGMOA asked that the injustice done to the doctors by the Pay Commission be remedied, the government took the line that while minor anomalies could be corrected, there could be no general revision of scales until the next Pay Commission was appointed.
Dissatisfied with the government's attitude, the KGMOA took to the path of agitation. Instead of calling for strike, it asked the doctors to 'work to rule.' This meant that they would only attend to normal duties and would not be available for other work entrusted to them. They shunned VIP duty and even refused to do Sabarimala duty.
An estimated 15 million pilgrims from all over the South visit the hill shrine at Sabarimala during the season. The government said it would make alternative arrangements for the pilgrims. However, most of the doctors who were drafted for Sabarimala duty failed to turn up.
The work-to-rule agitation paralysed the State's health care system, which is short-staffed.
As against a sanctioned strength of about 3,000 doctors, there are only 1,875 on the rolls of government hospitals at present. Out of them, 440 are due to retire by March 2008.
Earlier this year the State Public Service Commission offered jobs to 930 medical graduates.
Only 90 of them joined the service and 50 of them resigned later.
The government placed some doctors under suspension and threatened disciplinary action against other agitators. Doctors, on their part, threatened to resign en bloc. To reinforce the threat, many of them handed over resignation letters to the KGMOA.
The matter came up before the High Court in the form of a writ petition. The petitioner wanted the court to invoke the Essential Supplies Maintenance Act and declare the doctors' agitation illegal. While voicing disapproval of the agitation, the bench headed by Chief Justice HKL Dattu showed evident sympathy for the doctors' cause.
The KGMOA claims that the Health Minister is convinced of the justness of the doctors' demand but the Finance department stands in the way. In talks held in the early days of the agitation, the government had offered to pay the doctors some allowances in order to put more money in their hands. The KGMOA rejected the offer since in the absence of revision of basic pay the doctors would be at a disadvantage at the time of the next wage revision too.
A formula now being discussed envisages treatment of the additional emoluments as special pay, instead of allowances. Unfortunately, the only issue figuring in the current discussions is that of providing adequate compensation to government doctors. Neither the government nor the KGMOA is addressing the larger question of rescuing the State health care system from collapse. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, December 10, 2007.
Friday, December 7, 2007
..so we do not go back to the lunatic asylum
It was only natural that the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) saw the coming together of ten Christian Churches and the Nair Service Society to oppose education reforms as a prelude to a new ‘liberation struggle’. After all they were the prime movers behind the agitation against the Communist government’s proposals for educational reform 50 years ago.
Many movements in Kerala and their leaders are prisoners of the past. Each one has chosen a period from the past, built a prison there and remains happily in it. They need to be reminded once in a while that times have changed. This must be done without unnecessary provocation.
While the CPI (M) State Secretary tried to dissuade the Church leaders by reminding them of the changed circumstances, the Education Minister sought to save himself by stating that there were no proposals before government for educational reform.
What irked the Churches and the NSS were moves to transfer control of educational institutions from the State to the local bodies and to entrust the State Public Service Commission with the responsibility of appointing school teachers. It is no secret that the Left Democratic Front government is interested in both the ideas. Members of a committee set up by the government have indicated that it will make recommendations in this regard. So the plea that there is no proposal for reform before the government is merely a technical argument.
The Devaswom and Cooperation Minister and the Education Minister are two members of the government who have been making heroic statements periodically. For one and a half years the Devaswom Minister strove tirelessly to cleanse the temple administration. Eventually the High Court appointed someone else to look into temple matters. The Education Minister worked hard to rein in the self-financing colleges. Result: managements who were ready to settle for 75% of the seats got 100%! It was perhaps this experience that prompted him to surrender to the school managements even before the first shot was fired.
Those who favour change argue that since the government pays the salaries of private school teachers the power to make appointments must also vest in it. The government started paying salaries directly to teachers following widespread complaints that school managements who received grants from the state were not paying teachers’ salaries promptly. Recently a Church dignitary said that since the government was paying teachers’ salaries out of the tax revenue they were only getting what they were entitled to. The managements who did not pay salaries promptly after accepting the money from the state were guilty of misappropriation, which is a penal offence. But the state did not initiate legal action against them. The authorities must have the courage to bring the guilty to book.
The Churches made a big contribution to Kerala’s progress in education. But service was not their sole motive. In the early years, they were also interested in conversions. Neither service nor conversion is relevant today. Those who come forward to start educational institutions now are guided by profit motive. The Churches in Kerala enjoy favourable circumstances in comparison with the others. They have the benefit of the good reputation earned by Christian institutions by rendering good service over a long period. They also have the physical resources needed to set up new institutions. In some places, these include land generously made available by the state.
As a religious minority, the Christians are entitled to certain rights under the Constitution. Their demand that these should be protected is quite legitimate. However, the Churches are not a minority in the State’s education sector. On the contrary, they constitute the majority. According to official documents, 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools are under private managements. In the field of higher education, too, private managements are dominant. As many as 150 out of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges are under private managements. The situation is no different in the fields of medical and nursing education. Official documents do not indicate who owns how many private institutions. However, it will not be wrong to assume that a majority of them are under the control of the different Churches. The government has a duty to gather precise data before embarking upon educational reform.
As institutions that represent large sections of the population, the Churches have the responsibility to present their case without being provocative. Some recent public statements of Church leaders lacked the restraint expected of them. One of them was reported as saying teachers appointed by the government will not be allowed to teach in their schools. Such statements should be avoided. If the appointments are legally valid, the Churches have to accept them. Having conducted successful litigation against the state, the Church authorities know that it is for the courts to say whether the appointments are valid. One proposal mooted with regard to appointment of teachers is that the Public Service Commission or some other independent agency must prepare a list of persons eligible for appointment and the managements must be free to make appointments from that list. The Churches must respond constructively to such proposals which do not take away their rights with regard to appointment.
A Church dignitary recently asked all Christians to send their children only to Christian schools. An explanation followed that the suggestion was aimed at ensuring that the new generation imbibed Christian values, and was unconnected with the issue of educational reform. What will happen if all caste and religious groups think along these lines? The Churches, which made possible the social renewal that rescued Kerala from darkness by establishing modern educational facilities, should not become instrumental for a return to the lunatic asylum.
Based on “Nerkkazhcha” column, which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi on December 6, 2007
Many movements in Kerala and their leaders are prisoners of the past. Each one has chosen a period from the past, built a prison there and remains happily in it. They need to be reminded once in a while that times have changed. This must be done without unnecessary provocation.
While the CPI (M) State Secretary tried to dissuade the Church leaders by reminding them of the changed circumstances, the Education Minister sought to save himself by stating that there were no proposals before government for educational reform.
What irked the Churches and the NSS were moves to transfer control of educational institutions from the State to the local bodies and to entrust the State Public Service Commission with the responsibility of appointing school teachers. It is no secret that the Left Democratic Front government is interested in both the ideas. Members of a committee set up by the government have indicated that it will make recommendations in this regard. So the plea that there is no proposal for reform before the government is merely a technical argument.
The Devaswom and Cooperation Minister and the Education Minister are two members of the government who have been making heroic statements periodically. For one and a half years the Devaswom Minister strove tirelessly to cleanse the temple administration. Eventually the High Court appointed someone else to look into temple matters. The Education Minister worked hard to rein in the self-financing colleges. Result: managements who were ready to settle for 75% of the seats got 100%! It was perhaps this experience that prompted him to surrender to the school managements even before the first shot was fired.
Those who favour change argue that since the government pays the salaries of private school teachers the power to make appointments must also vest in it. The government started paying salaries directly to teachers following widespread complaints that school managements who received grants from the state were not paying teachers’ salaries promptly. Recently a Church dignitary said that since the government was paying teachers’ salaries out of the tax revenue they were only getting what they were entitled to. The managements who did not pay salaries promptly after accepting the money from the state were guilty of misappropriation, which is a penal offence. But the state did not initiate legal action against them. The authorities must have the courage to bring the guilty to book.
The Churches made a big contribution to Kerala’s progress in education. But service was not their sole motive. In the early years, they were also interested in conversions. Neither service nor conversion is relevant today. Those who come forward to start educational institutions now are guided by profit motive. The Churches in Kerala enjoy favourable circumstances in comparison with the others. They have the benefit of the good reputation earned by Christian institutions by rendering good service over a long period. They also have the physical resources needed to set up new institutions. In some places, these include land generously made available by the state.
As a religious minority, the Christians are entitled to certain rights under the Constitution. Their demand that these should be protected is quite legitimate. However, the Churches are not a minority in the State’s education sector. On the contrary, they constitute the majority. According to official documents, 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools are under private managements. In the field of higher education, too, private managements are dominant. As many as 150 out of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges are under private managements. The situation is no different in the fields of medical and nursing education. Official documents do not indicate who owns how many private institutions. However, it will not be wrong to assume that a majority of them are under the control of the different Churches. The government has a duty to gather precise data before embarking upon educational reform.
As institutions that represent large sections of the population, the Churches have the responsibility to present their case without being provocative. Some recent public statements of Church leaders lacked the restraint expected of them. One of them was reported as saying teachers appointed by the government will not be allowed to teach in their schools. Such statements should be avoided. If the appointments are legally valid, the Churches have to accept them. Having conducted successful litigation against the state, the Church authorities know that it is for the courts to say whether the appointments are valid. One proposal mooted with regard to appointment of teachers is that the Public Service Commission or some other independent agency must prepare a list of persons eligible for appointment and the managements must be free to make appointments from that list. The Churches must respond constructively to such proposals which do not take away their rights with regard to appointment.
A Church dignitary recently asked all Christians to send their children only to Christian schools. An explanation followed that the suggestion was aimed at ensuring that the new generation imbibed Christian values, and was unconnected with the issue of educational reform. What will happen if all caste and religious groups think along these lines? The Churches, which made possible the social renewal that rescued Kerala from darkness by establishing modern educational facilities, should not become instrumental for a return to the lunatic asylum.
Based on “Nerkkazhcha” column, which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi on December 6, 2007
Monday, December 3, 2007
CPI-M poll process makes progress despite sectarianism
AS the election process in the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) moves to the final phase, it is clear that the central leadership's effort to contain sectarianism in the Kerala unit has not succeeded fully. However, the faction feud caused disruption only at a few places.
The Kerala party, which had 341,006 members last year, is the CPI-M's largest unit. The West Bengal party, which has been in power continuously from 1977, had only 290,164 members at the time. Bengal's population is two and a half times that of Kerala.
The conferences held at various levels in advance of the triennial party congress provide CPI-M members the opportunity to express their views on the organisation's working and elect new office-bearers.
As the party's 26,000 units decorated their localities with red banners and festoons for the meetings, Kerala had a festive air. Last week district-level conferences began, raising the noise level. The State conference will be held at Kottayam in February.
The party has been in the grip of sectarianism for several years. Last May, the Politburo suspended both State party Secretary Pinarayi Vijayan and Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, who lead the rival factions, for feuding in public. Before going into conference mode, the Politburo revoked their suspension. It also issued a set of election guidelines to contain sectarianism. They provided for immediate intervention to deal with any manifestation of factionalism. CPI-M General Secretary Prakash Karat said the Politburo would intervene if the guidelines were not followed.
The media took keen interest in the electoral process. By all accounts, the leadership of the organisational and governmental wings came up for severe criticism from supporters of the rival faction at the lower level conferences.
Thanks to the party's tradition of democratic centralism, delegates usually accept officially circulated lists of office-bearers. However, contested elections are not unknown. This time there were contests at many places. There have been reports that the factions either captured or retained control of committees at different levels. However, there is nothing to indicate whether there has been a change in their relative strength.
The district level conferences are spread over a long period. When all 14 district meets are over, the stage will be set for the State conference. The final line-up will be available only then.
Pinarayi Vijayan said last week that the guidelines had helped contain factionalism. But the spate of complaints that flowed to the central leadership shows that members divided on factional lines even at the lowest levels. Charges levelled by each side against the other include abduction of delegates, use of money power and resort to blackmail tactics.
The reasons why the guidelines have not been very effective are not difficult to fathom. When the higher body, which is required to supervise the proceedings, is affected by factionalism, it cannot be expected to act decisively against sectarianism at the lower level.
There are definite limits to the Politburo's ability to intervene promptly at the lower levels. Now that the process has reached the district level, the State committee is directly in the picture as the sole supervisory body. Also, it is possible for the Politburo to keep a close watch on developments and step in if the guidelines are not followed scrupulously.
Aware of this, the leaders of the two factions, which fought bitterly at the lower levels, are reportedly demonstrating willingness to avoid direct conflicts, and accommodate each other instead. Pinarayi Vijayan, who was present at the Kottayam district conference, strove hard to promote unanimous election. Some observers, however, thought he did so to prevent the rival faction taking advantage of the differences between two of his local supporters.
The two factions had gone to the last State conference, held at Malappuram, determined to fight it out. Prakash Karat appealed to them to elect the State committee without a contest, but they ignored his plea. In the contest that followed, the Pinarayi Vijayan faction emerged victorious.
This time, too, the electoral process began amid indications that the two factions are determined to fight it out. However, the way Karat has handled the sectarian issue in recent times suggests that, unlike last time, he may now be willing to assert the authority of the central leadership and prevent a fight to the finish. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, December 3, 2007.
The Kerala party, which had 341,006 members last year, is the CPI-M's largest unit. The West Bengal party, which has been in power continuously from 1977, had only 290,164 members at the time. Bengal's population is two and a half times that of Kerala.
The conferences held at various levels in advance of the triennial party congress provide CPI-M members the opportunity to express their views on the organisation's working and elect new office-bearers.
As the party's 26,000 units decorated their localities with red banners and festoons for the meetings, Kerala had a festive air. Last week district-level conferences began, raising the noise level. The State conference will be held at Kottayam in February.
The party has been in the grip of sectarianism for several years. Last May, the Politburo suspended both State party Secretary Pinarayi Vijayan and Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, who lead the rival factions, for feuding in public. Before going into conference mode, the Politburo revoked their suspension. It also issued a set of election guidelines to contain sectarianism. They provided for immediate intervention to deal with any manifestation of factionalism. CPI-M General Secretary Prakash Karat said the Politburo would intervene if the guidelines were not followed.
The media took keen interest in the electoral process. By all accounts, the leadership of the organisational and governmental wings came up for severe criticism from supporters of the rival faction at the lower level conferences.
Thanks to the party's tradition of democratic centralism, delegates usually accept officially circulated lists of office-bearers. However, contested elections are not unknown. This time there were contests at many places. There have been reports that the factions either captured or retained control of committees at different levels. However, there is nothing to indicate whether there has been a change in their relative strength.
The district level conferences are spread over a long period. When all 14 district meets are over, the stage will be set for the State conference. The final line-up will be available only then.
Pinarayi Vijayan said last week that the guidelines had helped contain factionalism. But the spate of complaints that flowed to the central leadership shows that members divided on factional lines even at the lowest levels. Charges levelled by each side against the other include abduction of delegates, use of money power and resort to blackmail tactics.
The reasons why the guidelines have not been very effective are not difficult to fathom. When the higher body, which is required to supervise the proceedings, is affected by factionalism, it cannot be expected to act decisively against sectarianism at the lower level.
There are definite limits to the Politburo's ability to intervene promptly at the lower levels. Now that the process has reached the district level, the State committee is directly in the picture as the sole supervisory body. Also, it is possible for the Politburo to keep a close watch on developments and step in if the guidelines are not followed scrupulously.
Aware of this, the leaders of the two factions, which fought bitterly at the lower levels, are reportedly demonstrating willingness to avoid direct conflicts, and accommodate each other instead. Pinarayi Vijayan, who was present at the Kottayam district conference, strove hard to promote unanimous election. Some observers, however, thought he did so to prevent the rival faction taking advantage of the differences between two of his local supporters.
The two factions had gone to the last State conference, held at Malappuram, determined to fight it out. Prakash Karat appealed to them to elect the State committee without a contest, but they ignored his plea. In the contest that followed, the Pinarayi Vijayan faction emerged victorious.
This time, too, the electoral process began amid indications that the two factions are determined to fight it out. However, the way Karat has handled the sectarian issue in recent times suggests that, unlike last time, he may now be willing to assert the authority of the central leadership and prevent a fight to the finish. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, December 3, 2007.
Monday, November 26, 2007
War clouds gathering over education sector
Ten Christian denominations and the Nair Service Society of the Hindu Nair community came together last week to resist the Left Democratic Front government's plans for reform in Kerala's education sector.
Church leaders visited the NSS headquarters at Perunna, Changanassery, on Thursday, reportedly at the instance of Joseph M.Puthussery, a Kerala Congress (Mani) legislator.
A constituent of the opposition United Democratic Front, the KC (M) draws its support mainly from the powerful Syrian Christian community.
The Perunna meeting formed an action committee with Syro Malabar Archbishop Mar Joseph Perunthottam and NSS general secretary PK Narayana Panicker as chairmen and Church of South India bishop Thomas Samuel and NSS joint secretary G Sukumaran Nair as general secretaries.
The Churches and the NSS were together in the 'liberation struggle' that led to the Centre's dismissal of the first Communist government in 1959. The main provocation for that struggle, too, was an attempt at educational reform.
Christian missions were pioneers of modern education in Kerala. They received firm support from the rulers of the erstwhile states of Travancore and Cochin.
Official statistics show that private managements control 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools. Most of them receive grants from the State government.
Private managements dominate higher education too. They run 150 of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges.
Official documents do not indicate how many of the private institutions are under the control of the Churches. According to knowledgeable sources, different Christian missions manage more than three-fourths of the private schools. The NSS controls a majority of the rest. The Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam of the Ezhava community and the Muslim Education Society are among the other minor stakeholders.
All but a couple of clauses of the Kerala Education Act, which was enacted by the Communist government 50 years ago, survived the legal challenge mounted by private managements. The Kerala Education Rules framed in terms of that law still hold the ground.
A committee appointed by the present government, with retired Chief Secretary CP Nair as chairman, is now reviewing the KER provisions. It is expected to submit its proposals for changes in it before the year-end.
The day the bishops and the NSS leaders conferred in Perunna, Government School Teachers Union president K Vikraman Nair resigned from the committee to register his opposition to the draft proposals formulated by it. He was the only pro-UDF member of the committee.
Two proposals mooted by LDF supporters have invited the wrath of the private managements, particularly the Churches and the NSS.
One of them envisages transfer of supervisory control over educational institutions from the State governments to the panchayats in furtherance of the policy of decentralisation of power.
Opponents argue that this will enable local politicians to pressure school managements.
While the LDF and the UDF have been alternating in power at the State level, the LDF has been controlling a majority of the local self-government institutions continuously.
The other reform proposal envisages vesting of the power to appoint teachers in the State Public Service Commission. Supporters of the move argue that since the government pays the teachers' salaries the right of appointment must vest in it.
While the Christian missions and the NSS want to retain the right to appoint teachers, the SNDP Yogam favours entrusting the task to the PSC. It hopes this will make it possible to bring teachers' jobs within the purview of the reservation policy. CP Nair has indicated the possibility of creating an alternative mechanism for selection of teachers on the lines of the one in the banking sector.
A clash between the Church-NSS axis and the government on the reform proposals cannot be ruled out. However, much water has flowed under the bridge in the last half-century.
The political situation in the State and the nation as a whole has changed so much that any hope of repeating 1959 is a pipedream.
At the same time, the social and economic power of the forces ranged against the government cannot be wished away. They have enough clout to scuttle the government's plans. This is borne out by the way the managements of self-financing colleges have frustrated all attempts of the LDF government to rein them in. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, November 26, 2007.
Church leaders visited the NSS headquarters at Perunna, Changanassery, on Thursday, reportedly at the instance of Joseph M.Puthussery, a Kerala Congress (Mani) legislator.
A constituent of the opposition United Democratic Front, the KC (M) draws its support mainly from the powerful Syrian Christian community.
The Perunna meeting formed an action committee with Syro Malabar Archbishop Mar Joseph Perunthottam and NSS general secretary PK Narayana Panicker as chairmen and Church of South India bishop Thomas Samuel and NSS joint secretary G Sukumaran Nair as general secretaries.
The Churches and the NSS were together in the 'liberation struggle' that led to the Centre's dismissal of the first Communist government in 1959. The main provocation for that struggle, too, was an attempt at educational reform.
Christian missions were pioneers of modern education in Kerala. They received firm support from the rulers of the erstwhile states of Travancore and Cochin.
Official statistics show that private managements control 67.6% of the lower primary schools, 71.2% of the upper primary schools, 67.0% of the high schools and 58.0% of the higher secondary schools. Most of them receive grants from the State government.
Private managements dominate higher education too. They run 150 of the 189 arts and science colleges and 70 of the 84 engineering colleges.
Official documents do not indicate how many of the private institutions are under the control of the Churches. According to knowledgeable sources, different Christian missions manage more than three-fourths of the private schools. The NSS controls a majority of the rest. The Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam of the Ezhava community and the Muslim Education Society are among the other minor stakeholders.
All but a couple of clauses of the Kerala Education Act, which was enacted by the Communist government 50 years ago, survived the legal challenge mounted by private managements. The Kerala Education Rules framed in terms of that law still hold the ground.
A committee appointed by the present government, with retired Chief Secretary CP Nair as chairman, is now reviewing the KER provisions. It is expected to submit its proposals for changes in it before the year-end.
The day the bishops and the NSS leaders conferred in Perunna, Government School Teachers Union president K Vikraman Nair resigned from the committee to register his opposition to the draft proposals formulated by it. He was the only pro-UDF member of the committee.
Two proposals mooted by LDF supporters have invited the wrath of the private managements, particularly the Churches and the NSS.
One of them envisages transfer of supervisory control over educational institutions from the State governments to the panchayats in furtherance of the policy of decentralisation of power.
Opponents argue that this will enable local politicians to pressure school managements.
While the LDF and the UDF have been alternating in power at the State level, the LDF has been controlling a majority of the local self-government institutions continuously.
The other reform proposal envisages vesting of the power to appoint teachers in the State Public Service Commission. Supporters of the move argue that since the government pays the teachers' salaries the right of appointment must vest in it.
While the Christian missions and the NSS want to retain the right to appoint teachers, the SNDP Yogam favours entrusting the task to the PSC. It hopes this will make it possible to bring teachers' jobs within the purview of the reservation policy. CP Nair has indicated the possibility of creating an alternative mechanism for selection of teachers on the lines of the one in the banking sector.
A clash between the Church-NSS axis and the government on the reform proposals cannot be ruled out. However, much water has flowed under the bridge in the last half-century.
The political situation in the State and the nation as a whole has changed so much that any hope of repeating 1959 is a pipedream.
At the same time, the social and economic power of the forces ranged against the government cannot be wished away. They have enough clout to scuttle the government's plans. This is borne out by the way the managements of self-financing colleges have frustrated all attempts of the LDF government to rein them in. --Gulf Today, Sharjah, November 26, 2007.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)